Skip to main content

Full text of "History of the Sixteenth Connecticut Volunteers"

See other formats


The Project Gutenberg EBook of History of the Sixteenth Connecticut
Volunteers, by B. F. Blakeslee

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net


Title: History of the Sixteenth Connecticut Volunteers

Author: B. F. Blakeslee

Release Date: April 2, 2010 [EBook #31867]

Language: English


*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY--16TH CONNECTICUT VOLUNTEERS ***




Produced by Jeannie Howse, Charlene Taylor, Joseph Cooper
and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
http://www.pgdp.net






       *       *       *       *       *

    +-------------------------------------------------------+
    | Transcriber's Note:                                   |
    |                                                       |
    | Inconsistent hyphenation in the original document has |
    | been preserved.                                       |
    |                                                       |
    | Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. For |
    | a complete list, please see the end of this document. |
    |                                                       |
    +-------------------------------------------------------+

       *       *       *       *       *




    HISTORY

    OF THE

    SIXTEENTH

    CONNECTICUT VOLUNTEERS.

    BY

    B.F. BLAKESLEE,

    LATE 2D LIEUT. CO. G. 16TH C.V.

    HARTFORD:
    THE CASE, LOCKWOOD & BRAINARD CO., PRINTERS.
    1875.




INTRODUCTION.


It is to be regretted that a complete history of the 16th Regiment,
Connecticut Volunteers, has not been written. At this late day it
would require much time, labor, and expense, to prepare one, and
probably will never be done. Many volumes might be written which would
be of inestimable value hereafter. Their services in the War for the
Union cannot be placed upon a few pages. This volume is but a mere
outline history, mostly compiled from diaries written by me at a young
age, the importance of which was not then comprehended; with no
expectation of the future use they would be put to,--but little was
written, and that mostly concerned myself. It is the object of this
work to create a permanent record of some of the marches, battles, and
experiences generally of the organization above mentioned. This
undertaking is made in behalf of the surviving members of the
regiment, to whom it is hoped the work will prove of some value as a
book of reference. The hope is also expressed that this work may prove
a not unwelcome though sad memorial to the friends of those members of
the regiment who lost their lives in battle or prison. The author is
unaccustomed to historical composition, and makes no boast of literary
education.




CHAPTER I.

1862.

CAMP WILLIAMS TO ANTIETAM.


The regiment was recruited in Hartford county, and its services were
tendered to the National Government in response to the President's
call for three hundred thousand volunteers for three years. It was
almost entirely made up of men in the county, and of excellent
material,--some of the oldest and best families were represented in
its ranks; and comprised many of the finest young men whom the
commonwealth ever sent to uphold its honor in the field.

It was organized during the month of August, 1862, under the command
of Colonel Frank Beach, of the regular army. The month of August was a
severe shock to most of the men, even those of a strong constitution.
It was a complete revolution in their method of life. Many of the men
were accustomed to all the refinements of wealth, and all of them had
been reared in abundance. The outdoor life, though not hard as yet,
was too great for those that had led the quiet and easy life of a
citizen, and a few of our noble men who had offered themselves to the
government were unable to endure the hardships, and died before the
regiment left Hartford.

On Sunday, August 24th, 1862, the regiment, numbering ten hundred and
ten men, was duly mustered into the United States service by Lieut.
Watson Webb, of the regular army.

On the 28th, the regiment having been fully clothed and equipped,
(except muskets,) as army regulations required, they were carefully
reviewed and inspected in the company streets by the Colonel. It was a
very hot day, and many of the men fainted under their load. This
experience taught a lesson; we then saw that it was impossible to
carry such loads; many of the men having from thirty to fifty pounds
packed in their knapsacks. Immediately after inspection the men
unpacked and threw away a great many articles which at first seemed
impossible to get along without; but even then we were too heavily
loaded, as we found out the next day.

The forenoon of the following day was a busy time with the Sixteenth;
bed-ticks were emptied, knapsacks packed, blankets rolled, and three
days rations placed in the haversacks.

Early in the day the relatives and friends of the soldiers commenced
to arrive from the country, and before the regiment left, the city was
full of visitors. At noon tents were struck, and we were drawn up in
line, a thousand strong. The march of the regiment through the city
was a perfect ovation. The dock and river banks were thronged with
dear friends whom ties had bound together for years. The Governor and
a portion of his staff marched at the head of the regiment. Six
companies embarked on the "City of Hartford," and four companies on
the "Geo. C. Collins," leaving the dock at three o'clock, amid the
cheers of thousands of spectators. A pleasant sail down the river,
passing the night as best we could on crowded boats, we reached New
York in good season the next morning. We were here transferred to the
steamer "Kill von Kull," and a breakfast of vegetable soup and coffee
was dealt out. The steamer took us to Elizabeth, N.J., where we went
aboard cars and proceeded to Baltimore via Harrisburg, arriving at
Baltimore the next day at nine o'clock. There the "Union Relief
Association," gave us a most excellent breakfast. While we were
waiting there in the depot for a fresh train for Washington, the
report was received that Stonewall Jackson had been captured. We
cheered and shouted, laughed and danced, rejoiced and gave thanks in
the same breath, and did every thing except to keep still.

We have never forgiven ourselves for that day's folly, and never
shall. Stonewall Jackson had not been captured, as we had good reason
to understand two weeks afterward.

In the afternoon we went aboard a miserable, dirty train and proceeded
to Washington, arriving there late in the evening in a drizzling rain.
We went into barracks for the night. Early in the morning the men
visited the Capitol and other places of interest. At nine o'clock the
regiment fell into line and for the first time we were "on the march."
Passing through the city we made direct for Long Bridge, where we had
a long rest; while resting General McClellan came across from the
Virginia side. In crossing Long Bridge we received a startling
illustration of war,--meeting a line of ambulances a mile in length,
bringing dead and dying from the battlefield of second Bull Run. The
regiment marched to Fort Ward, a distance of five or six miles from
Washington. That night it rained terribly, and the tents not having
come up, we were compelled to sit in the rain all night; this we
thought soldiering with a vengeance. The next day was spent in drying
our blankets and clothing in the sun. During the week we had little or
no drill, and but few instructions in marching. On Saturday we
received orders to be ready to march in light marching order. The next
morning (Sunday, Sept. 7th,) we had the regular army Sunday Inspection
with arms. At noon we took up our line of march, and went directly
back to Washington, arriving there at sunset; this was a terrible
march for us, being very hot and so dusty that we could barely see the
second file ahead. Halting in Seventh street, we had a long rest where
we ate supper, filled canteens, and flirted with girls in the windows.
Resuming the march we started to join the Army of the Potomac, which
was several miles beyond, and heading towards Frederick City,
Maryland. At nine and a half P.M. we halted for the night, having made
nineteen miles since one P.M. This was good marching for new troops,
and showed what we would be equal to when necessity required. The
regiment encamped for the night in the woods, but when we came to lie
down on the ground with little or no covering it seemed rather tough.
Having been ordered to move in light marching order, we left our
knapsacks in Virginia, and therefore the men had only a blanket or an
overcoat, whichever in their judgment would be the most useful. The
next morning at an early hour we proceeded to Leesboro, a distance of
three miles, and a report being among the men that we were out of
rations, Colonel Beach refused to go further until we had some. The
men commenced to forage on a small scale.

September 9th the Baltimore papers gave us the startling news that the
rebels had occupied Frederick City, and were invading Pennsylvania.
During the day some shelter-tents were issued, which were gladly
welcomed, as we had lain on the ground without any shelter for eight
nights. On the evening of the 10th some rations came, and the cooks
went to work and cooked during the night three days rations. In the
meantime the men lived on the farmers near by.

The next day we started "on the march" at seven and a half A.M.,
marching steadily until three P.M., when we halted, being about a mile
and a half from Brookville, and having made fourteen miles.

September 12th we commenced marching at seven A.M. and marched to
Mount Lebanon, a distance of fourteen miles. It was an extremely hot
day.

Saturday, September 13th, we learned that General Burnside had driven
the rebels out of Frederick City; commenced marching at eight A.M. We
passed through Damascus, Monrovia, and New Market, and encamped just
outside of the town, and near New Market street. We heard the booming
of artillery ahead all day. The next morning (Sunday the 14th) we
broke up camp in a hurry, and marched rapidly towards Frederick City,
reaching there at noon. Just before entering the city we passed quite
a large squad of rebel prisoners. These were the first rebels that we
had seen, and they attracted considerable attention from us. We
encamped in a small vacant lot on the east side of the city, and
during the afternoon most of the regiment were around the city without
leave, hunting up something to eat, most of whom got good square meals
from the citizens at a cheap price, averaging twenty-five cents per
man. The rebels had been driven out of the city by General Burnside
only twelve hours before, and the union citizens were in high spirits;
nearly every house had the red, white, and blue in some shape thrown
to the breeze to testify to its loyalty to the United States.

Monday, September 15th. The regiment commenced to march quite early in
the morning, and passed through Fairfield and Middletown. We could
here begin to form some idea of that great army, the "Army of the
Potomac," and the fearful destruction that an army can make. The road
was completely blocked up with army wagons and ambulances. The road
was narrow over the mountain, and terribly dusty. The ambulances were
filled with the wounded, and rebel prisoners under guard were trying
to go to the rear. Infantry, baggage wagons, provision and ammunition
trains, were eagerly pushing to the front. The result was a
stand-still for over an hour. On both sides of the road, shot and
shell had pierced the trees and houses. The fences were riddled with
bullets, telegraph poles were down, and the earth was ploughed by
solid shot. The dead lay by the road-side, and the ambulances were
scouring the mountain sides with men detailed to pick up the wounded.
The churches, houses, and barns were filled with the wounded. Parties
were seen in every direction burying the dead. The scenes showed that
a fierce battle had been fought the day before, and we began to
realize what we must go through when we should join the main army. We
marched that day about twelve miles, and encamped for the night on the
battle-field of South Mountain. The next day we started on the march
at six A.M. and passed through Boonsboro, and Keedysville. At
Boonsboro, also, the churches, houses, and barns were filled with
wounded. At Keedysville, we had a long rest, and it was here that we
first saw a "line of battle." Colonel Beach, with his experienced eye,
first spied the distant jets of white smoke. All were watching the
peculiar puffs of smoke with great interest, when Adjutant Burnham,
who had been absent, returned with the order that we were _wanted at
the front_. This took us a little by surprise as we did not expect to
go into battle so soon. But on went the bundles, and after a tedious
march through ploughed fields and forests, passing brigades and
divisions, the booming of artillery and bursting of shells sounding
louder and louder, we finally joined a brigade consisting of the 4th
R.I., and the 8th and 11th C.V.

After resting awhile we loaded our muskets for the first time, and
marched over a hill, and into a meadow which lay between two hills.
While getting into this position we could plainly see the rebel
gunners load and fire, some of the shells coming quite near us. At
last we were in the great "line of battle" of the "Army of the
Potomac," 2d Brigade, 3d Division, 9th Corps, General Burnside, on its
extreme left. It was now eight o'clock in the evening, and quite dark;
we were within a few rods of the enemy, and orders were given in a
whisper; we were ordered to make no noise and to rest on our arms; for
thirty minutes the utmost quiet prevailed. A musket was accidentally
discharged; in a second the troops were on their feet, with arms at a
"ready," and as they stood peering into the darkness ahead you could
hear both lines of battle spring to arms for miles.

Occasionally the boom of artillery was heard, and during the night
there were repeated alarms, so that the soldiers on either side
obtained but little rest. The hostile pickets on one portion of the
line were so near each other, that during the night six of the enemy
were captured.




CHAPTER II.

1862.

THE BATTLE OF ANTIETAM.


The next morning dawned beautifully; little did we imagine that that
bright sun would be obscured by the smoke of battle, the field we trod
ploughed with shot, flow with blood, and planted thick with the dead.
Scarcely had the sun risen when a shell from the enemy dropped not far
from our force, which was quietly resting upon their arms near the
crest of a low knoll a short distance from the enemy's position.
Immediately another followed, a twelve pounder crashed diagonally
through the Eighth Connecticut, killing three men instantly, and
wounding four in Company D.

The position was changed for one less exposed, but in getting there
the troops were obliged to pass under a deadly fire from a rebel
battery stationed at short range distance. In this undertaking the
Sixteenth lost three wounded. We lay here perhaps two hours, and had a
good view of the battle on the right, which had by this time assumed a
fearful magnitude. Along the western banks of the Antietam River,
there runs, with a gradual rise of undulating ground, a
crescent-shaped ridge, presenting its concave side to the river. The
top of this ridge spreads out into a broad tableground of forests and
ravines. A series of timbered-covered hills surrounded this ridge;
some of the adjacent hills had been cleared of the forest, and were
covered with orchards and cornfields, enclosed with fences of rails or
stone. Behind this ridge runs the road from Hagerstown to Sharpsburg
and Shepardstown. Sharpsburg is just in the rear of the ridge.

Along these hills the rebel lines were posted, four miles in extent.
Their position was exceedingly strong, protected by ravines and
forests. Every commanding crest bristled with artillery, and the
forests were planted thick with infantry. The extreme right of the
rebel line was within three-fourths of a mile of the Potomac; in
front, and along their left flank, flowed the Antietam, winding
through a wooded ravine, with banks too high and with waters too deep
to permit a crossing, except at two fords, at some distance from each
other. Between these distant fords there were three bridges; on the
right, at the center, and on the left. These bridges were strongly
guarded. The federal troops were on the east side of the Antietam,
behind a low range of hills, lying at the base of the Blue Ridge.
These eminences were generally commanded by the heights held by the
rebels. General Lee had certainly chosen a very strong position.

The Eleventh Connecticut now received orders from General Burnside to
take the bridge, after the batteries had shelled the woods on the
other side, and hold it until General Rodman could march his column
over. At about nine o'clock the Sixteenth again formed and marched
about a mile, first through a corn-field, and finally into a valley
where they halted in an orchard. While passing through the cornfield
the men stripped themselves of blankets, overcoats, and all luggage
that would impede the progress of marching or the use of firearms.
After filling our canteens from a brook near by, we marched up a steep
hill that seemed almost impossible to surmount, then down on the other
side and into Antietam river, which we forded and marched to a side
hill. Soon in plain sight could be seen a rebel battery dashing
intrepidly forward and planting itself directly in range of the
Sixteenth.

By this time the rebel batteries were all roaring. They opened on us
in all their fury. The air was filled with bullets and fiendish
missiles. Hundreds of cannon were now aimed at us; grape and
cannister, marbles and railroad iron were showered down like rain. The
crest of the hill was a great protection to the Sixteenth, and only
about a dozen were disabled. A battery was ordered up to engage the
enemy, but it was whirled back in less than five minutes, losing every
officer, seven men, and five horses. To see those men stand there and
be shot down till they received orders to retire was a fearful sight.
It was half past three o'clock; the Fourth Rhode Island and the
Sixteenth Connecticut were ordered into a cornfield, and they moved
forward quite a distance in advance of the army at their right; we
here laid down letting the shot and shell pass over us.

In the meanwhile the Division of A.P. Hill, which had arrived from
Harper's Ferry, and joined Lee's army, were coming into this cornfield
from the opposite side, unobserved; at the same time Company H,
(Captain Barber,) had been thrown out in advance as a vidette to
prevent being surprised. At four o'clock McClellan sent orders to
Burnside to advance, and carry the batteries in his front at all
hazards and at any cost. Burnside's corps was charging. General Rodman
observed that the rebels were about to flank us and get in our rear,
and ordered the Fourth Rhode Island, and Sixteenth Connecticut to
swing to the left that we might face them, but at that particular
moment the rustling of cornstalks warned us that the rebels were on
us. Colonel Beach gave the order 'Attention!' While this order was
being executed a terrible volley was fired into us. Volley after
volley in quick succession was hurled into our midst. The Sixteenth
sprang up and returned the fire with good effect; some fixed bayonets,
advanced, and were captured. The most helpless confusion ensued. Our
men fell by scores on every side. Still our position was obstinately
maintained, until ordered to fall back. The rebels discovered the
disorder, and came on us in heavy column.

While we were falling back to cover near the bridge we were swept by a
destructive cross-fire, and the rebels becoming entangled in this
cross-fire extricated themselves and fell back to the stone wall. The
Eighth, Eleventh, and Sixteenth Connecticut, and the Fourth Rhode
Island, re-formed and were placed in position for defence. At this
time General Burnside's messenger rode up to McClellan. His message
was, "I want troops and guns. If you do not send them I cannot hold my
position for half an hour." McClellan said slowly: "Tell General
Burnside that this is the battle of the war. He must hold his ground
till dark at any cost. I will send him Miller's Battery; I can do no
more. I have no infantry." Then as the messenger was riding away he
called him back. "Tell him if he cannot hold his ground, then the
bridge, to the last man! always the bridge! If the bridge is lost, all
is lost." The enemy was pressing down hard upon the battery which had
been placed on the crest in front of the Eleventh. Burnside called for
aid and General Rodman having been killed, Colonel Harland took
command of the division, re-formed the disorganized regiments, and by
his bravery the unsupported battery was rescued from capture.

The fighting was ended. It was indeed a fearful day for the Sixteenth.
Without having time allowed to learn even the rudiments of military
science, it was hurried forward and was formed in regimental line
almost for the first time on the battle-field of Antietam, the
bloodiest day America ever saw. After sunset the brigade was relieved,
and retired across the river to reorganize and be ready for the duties
which they might be called upon to do when another day should come.
Arms were stacked, and the tired soldiers laid down to rest. Of all
gloomy nights, this was the saddest we ever experienced. All was quiet
and silent as the grave. The stacks of straw which the rebels had
fired burned slow and dimly. The cries and groans of the wounded that
lay on the battle-field could be heard distinctly, and the occasional
report of artillery sounded solemn and death-like.

The morning of the 18th dawned. The sun rose obscurely and there was a
fair prospect of rain. The Sixteenth had gone into the battle with 940
men. Some not being able to endure the hard marching had been left at
Frederick City. On this morning we could muster but 300 men; but
during the day about 200 joined the regiment who wore unable to find
it the previous evening. It was a sorry sight that morning as General
Burnside rode up to encourage the men, who supposed, of course, that
the battle would be resumed, said, "only hold out this day, boys, and
the war is ended." Colonel Harland's brigade was once more moved
forward, and stationed in line of battle near the bridge, which
General Burnside had been ordered to hold at all hazards. Here they
remained until the next morning, when the bridge was crossed, and the
Sixteenth detached from the brigade to bury their dead, and care for
the wounded who were still lying upon the field. The casualties in the
Sixteenth were as follows: Lieut. Col. F.W. Cheney wounded in the arm,
Maj. Geo. A. Washburn wounded severely in the groin, Captains Manross,
Drake, and Brown instantly killed, Captain Barber mortally wounded,
dying; about fifteen hours after, Captains Babcock and Hayden wounded,
Lieut. William Horton killed, and four lieutenants wounded.

Thirty-eight enlisted men were killed outright. A great many of the
men were mortally wounded and died within twenty-four hours after the
battle, so that on the 19th, two days after the battle, when the
regiment was detailed to bury the dead and pick up the wounded, the
recapitulation stood as follows: Killed, 4 captains, 1 lieutenant, and
51 enlisted men; wounded, 2 field officers, 2 captains, 4 lieutenants,
and 176 enlisted men; captured, 12 enlisted men and 180 missing,
making a total loss of 432 men. For forty-eight hours men were
brought in. Parties scoured the fields hunting for the wounded. Many
had crept out of the storm of battle and hidden under fences, or among
rocks, or in thickets, and their strength failing, they could neither
come forth, or make known their situation. Some of the badly wounded
did not have any attention for several days. All houses and barns were
converted into hospitals, and yards and fields were strewn with straw
and the wounded laid, there without shelter. Surgeons worked hard day
and night, taking rest only when unable to stand up from weariness. At
one of these hospitals about 25 of the Sixteenth were placed. Nothing
was to be heard but cries, groans, and entreaties. Here Captain Barber
lay in about the center of a barn, quiet, happy, and contented with
his lot. The wounded lay around him on every side. He said that he
could not live long, and spoke encouraging words to all. Gilbert B.
Foster, of Co. A, who died November 13th, was also here. In a room
about 12×20 a bloody table stood and around it were five surgeons. A
wounded man was laid on the table and it took but a few seconds for
them to decide what to do, and but a few minutes to do it. The
amputated limbs were thrown out of a window. In forty-eight hours
there were as many as two cart loads of amputated legs, feet, arms,
and hands in the pile. Plenty of men, most of them slightly wounded,
were hard at work carrying the wounded to and fro, making beds of
straw, hauling and cutting wood, cooking, feeding, and assisting in a
thousand ways.

(On the afternoon of the 18th, a heavy shower, lasting an hour, made
it very uncomfortable for those not sheltered.)

"Captain Drake was the most gentlemanly man in the regiment," said
Surgeon Mayer. "He was the very soul of courtesy and unaffected
dignity of deportment. He always had a quiet care for his men, when
they were sick, and was a marked favorite with them, as well as with
comrades in the line."

"Capt. Barber was especially noticeable for his religious character,
earnest convictions, and high regard for duty. His patriotism was of
sterling mould, and he was a brave and intelligent officer."

"Captain N.S. Manross, of Bristol, was a man of learning and varied
accomplishments. He graduated at Yale in the class of 1850. In 1861,
Dr. Manross accepted the position of Professor of Chemistry and Botany
in Amherst College, where he was very popular and successful. Previous
to this he had been to Europe, attended German lectures, and took the
degree of doctor of philosophy. He invented a machine for the cutting
of crystals from calc-spar. During vacation, he returned to Bristol,
Conn., where he made a patriotic speech to his fellow-citizens, and
consented to lead them to the field. Said he to his wife, "You can
better afford to have a country without a husband than a husband
without a country." His men loved him. While the regiment was in the
cornfield and the baffle was raging the fiercest, a cannon-ball struck
Captain Manross in the side and passed under his arm. A friend bending
over him heard him murmuring, "Oh, my poor wife, my poor wife!"

Prof. James D. Dana said of him, "His death is a great loss to the
scientific world." Prof. B. Silliman, Jr., says "As an explorer, Dr.
Manross possessed remarkable qualifications. To a rugged constitution
and great powers of endurance, he united great coolness, quiet but
undaunted demeanor, the courage of a hero, and unyielding
perseverance. Had he lived--but what need is there of conjecture now?
The world will never know its loss, but his friends will never forget
theirs."[1]

On the 19th, the Sixteenth were employed in gathering up the dead and
wounded. This was a very unpleasant duty, making many of the men sick.
Forty of the men were buried that afternoon side by side, under a
large tree, near the stonewall, where the hardest of the battle was
fought.


BELINDA SPRINGS, ANTIETAM IRON WORKS, AND PLEASANT VALLEY.

The following day the regiment rejoined their brigade at Belinda
Springs, a distance of two miles, and moved thence to Antietam Iron
Works on the 26th. Here sickness prevailed to a great extent, and but
few men could be reported for duty. On the afternoon of September 23d,
Messrs. E.N. Kellogg, J.M.B. McNary and W.H.D. Callender, of Hartford,
Conn., came into camp. Crowds gathered around them, anxious to learn
the news from home, and to send letters and messages. It seems that at
10 P.M., Saturday, Sept. 20th, a dispatch was received at Hartford,
that the Sixteenth had suffered severely and that Lieut. Col. Cheney
was killed. It was thought best that these gentlemen should proceed to
the battle-field, and carry out such arrangements for the care of the
dead and wounded as they thought best; they accordingly left Hartford
on the midnight train, reaching the regiment as stated above. By this
time the dead were all buried, and most of the wounded had been taken
to various hospitals. Lieut. Col. Cheney and Major Washburn were at
this time at Boonsboro.

On October 3d, the entire army was reviewed by President Lincoln. The
Vice-President and several Congressmen were present. On October 7th,
the regiment marched over the mountain into Pleasant Valley, a
distance of about six miles. This march, though short, was a very hard
one; the path being very narrow, only admitting one at a time in some
places, and so steep and rocky that it was very hard to surmount with
our heavy loads. At the top of the mountain the troops halted an hour
for rest. Here we had an extended view of the surrounding country. We
could see a great distance, and the scenery was magnificent. At the
camp in Pleasant Valley the regiment suffered severely from sickness,
and when the army again took up its line of march, they could muster
but few effective men. At this place a large number of promotions and
appointments were made to fill vacancies.


MARCH TO FALMOUTH.

On October 28th we struck tents at 8 A.M. and after "falling in" we
were once more "on the march." We passed through Knoxville and Berlin.
At Berlin we crossed the Potomac on a pontoon bridge. Once more we
trod the "sacred soil" of Virginia. Passing through Lovettsville, we
halted at 2 P.M. and encamped about a mile from the village. On
October 30th reveille was sounded at 3 A.M. By the time the men had
struck tents and packed up, the cooks had plenty of hot coffee ready,
which is the soldier's breakfast, and at sunrise we were again _on the
march_. We passed through a village called Burlington and encamped at
11 A.M. near Wheatland. Saturday, November 1st, there was heavy firing
in front during the afternoon. Orders were given to be ready to march
at a moment's notice. The next day we began to march at 9 A.M. with
five days rations. We passed through Princeville and Goose Creek. The
heavy firing in front continued. We halted at 7 P.M. and went into
camp. The next day we marched during the afternoon, passing through
Union. Artillery firing was heard ahead. On November 5th we struck
tents and were on the march at 8 A.M. At 2 P.M. the entire army was
drawn up in line of battle about a mile beyond Rectorsville, the
artillery doing the fighting. After resting on our arms all night we
commenced to march at 8 A.M., making fifteen miles during the day. We
were following the enemy up closely. November 7th was a tedious and
rough day. Snow fell most of the day, and at least one-third of the
regiment were without shoes. We marched to a place called Waterloo,
within five miles of Warrenton. Colonel Beach, being absent sick,
Lieut. Col. Cheney and Maj. Washburn wounded, Capt. Mix was in
command. On the 9th of November some Rebel cavalry broke through our
lines and were making a raid around the army. Coming very near us at 4
P.M. the long roll beat and without packing up and hardly having time
to put on our equipments, we double-quicked up the mountain and took
position in ambush, where we staid till the morning of the 11th, when
we returned to the old camp.

For several days rations had been very scarce, hard crackers selling
as high as twenty-five cents each. Rations of pork, beans, and
potatoes finally came on the 11th, and the next day some hard bread,
which was very wormy. Rations not being plenty, the men went foraging,
and obtained large quantities of honey. One man who was detailed in
the Quartermaster's Department, who always had considerable _lip_, was
successful enough to get two water-pails full. While eating some in
the night he was stung by a bee, and the next morning he had about
four inches of _lip_, which was rather more than we had seen him have
before.

On November 15th, we commenced to march at eight o'clock in the
morning. After marching about three hours, we suddenly halted on the
Warrenton turnpike, near Sulphur Springs. Here the cavalry and light
batteries had a little set-to with the rebels, in which the rebels got
worsted and retreated, leaving two wagons loaded with muskets, which
they set on fire. After filing to the left through the woods, and into
a hollow near the road, we drew up into line of battle for the night.

On Sunday, November 16th, we marched twenty miles, passing through the
town of Liberty. The next day we marched from noon till eight in the
evening, passing through Elk Run. On November 18th, the reveille was
sounded at three A.M. We marched from six A.M. till five P.M., making
a very long and hard march, and many of the men fell out from
exhaustion.

On November 19th, the reveille sounded at five A.M., and at eight
o'clock we were once more on the march. A hard rain-storm which had
set in the night before made the road in this region from three to
eight inches deep with mud. During the march we forded four streams,
knee deep. We passed through Spottsville and Falmouth.


FALMOUTH, CAMP STARVATION.

We encamped opposite the city of Fredericksburg, at half past two in a
drenching rain, having made a hundred and seventy-five miles in twelve
days. The field where the regiment encamped was very even ground, and
the water stood on it from half an inch to two inches deep. The mud
was about four inches deep. The men were completely exhausted from
scanty rations, and foot-sore from long marches. The rain coming down
in torrents, the soldiers were wet through to the skin. Fires could
not be built, and tents could not be raised. Little or no sleep did
the troops get that night. The next day was very cold, and it was
still raining. The batteries opened on the city for about two hours in
the morning.

On November 21st, the sun once more showed itself after a long
absence, and the men were enabled to dry their clothes, build fires,
cook and eat salt junk, pour down hot coffee, and once more felt in
good spirits.

On the 26th, General Sumner reviewed the entire corps.

On December 3d, Arthur D.N. Talcott, of Company "A," died in camp, and
was buried at sundown.

When the regiment left camp near Fairfax Seminary on the 7th of
September, they left their knapsacks with contents under charge of a
guard. A few days after they were sent to Washington, and there
stored. These were returned to us on the 3d of December. They were
very welcome at this time, the weather now being very cold. The snow
was three inches deep, and there was plenty of ice. For nearly three
months a number of the men had been without blankets. About this time
Governor Morgan of New York sent us a taste of home. Each man had
three apples, two onions, and half a pickle, and the smoking men had
half a paper of tobacco each. These went down with a genuine relish.
At this time Capt. Charles L. Upham, of the Eighth Connecticut
Volunteers, was placed in command of the regiment.


FOOTNOTES:

  [1] Military and Civil History of Connecticut.




CHAPTER III.

1862.

BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG.


On Wednesday, December 10th, clothing was issued to the regiment.
Shoes were very much needed. In the evening a pontoon train went down
towards the river, but no unusual notice or remarks were made about
it, and both officers and men went to sleep that night without
suspecting in the least that early on the morrow a heavy battle would
be raging. The next morning the troops were early aroused by the
tremendous discharge of two mortars, and simultaneously the opening of
our batteries of nearly two hundred pieces. Nearly the entire day the
batteries poured incessantly their deadly fire of shot and shell into
the city with terrible rapidity. During the afternoon the firing
gradually ceased, and at sundown victory rested on our banners. During
the day three days rations and sixty rounds of cartridges were issued
to the men. Towards the evening the Sixteenth was ordered down to the
river, but before reaching there the order was countermanded, and they
returned to camp for the night. The next day (Friday,) the Sixteenth
advanced to the river again early in the morning, and lay on the banks
all day, watching the fighting on the other side of the stream. In the
evening they crossed the pontoon bridge, and went into the city.
After stacking arms on Main street, most of the men went into houses
to sleep. The effects of this short siege was awful to contemplate.
Some portions of the city were completely battered down. Buildings in
various parts of the city were burning, and during the night fresh
fires were continually breaking out. Although the enemy had carried
away most of their wounded and dead, still a few remained in the city.
In a cellar was found by the Union troops, ten women and a child, all
dead; they had gone there for protection from our shells, but one had
struck there, and bursting, killed them all. While a member of the
Sixteenth was searching for wood in the yard of a residence after
dark, he stumbled over what he supposed to be soldiers asleep on the
ground. Excusing himself he went on and after gathering an armful of
wood, was returning when he stumbled over the same men again. Much to
his disappointment they did not get up and damn him. Going into the
house and getting a lighted brand, he came out and found that they
were _three dead rebels_ who had been killed and lay there side by
side. One of them was an officer. An amusing incident occurred on this
same evening in Company H. Sergeant Spencer was around the yard
looking after boards to sleep on. Finding one that was some twelve or
fourteen feet long, he laid one end of it on what he supposed to be a
stone, and was about to jump on it to break it in the center, when a
soldier who lay there wanted to know "what he was trying to do?" In
the darkness of the night he had laid the board on a man's head. The
next day we were drawn up in line of battle, but being on the reserve
had nothing to do but witness the contest raging in front, which was
fearful. At dusk we moved to the front, where bullets came thick and
fast until eight o'clock, when the firing ceased, and all was quiet
during the night, except the howling of dogs, and the occasional
discharge of artillery.

On Sunday morning, December 14th, we returned into the city, remaining
there all day. The fighting continued hard in front. At sundown we
again moved to the front, where we remained supporting a battery until
the next night, when we returned to the city, crossed the river and
marched to our old camp, being the last brigade to leave the city.
Thus ended the battle without the Sixteenth being actively engaged
with the enemy, and meeting with a loss of only one wounded and one
missing. Drilling, inspections, grand reviews, picket duty, and
frequent preparations for marching, constituted the chief occupation
of the troops during the greater part of the winter months. The
weather was extremely cold, quarters were poor, and constant exposure
invited sickness and disease, and death creeping in boldly hurried
away its defenceless victims with alarming rapidity. Many were
discharged, and the ranks continued to decrease daily.

On December 24th, Lieutenant-Colonel Cheney, in consequence of the
severity of his wound was compelled to resign, and two days after,
Adjutant John H. Burnham was promoted to be Lieutenant Colonel, and
took command, Colonel Beach being absent, sick. Colonel Burnham's
promotion was the _making_ of the regiment. Being a man of promptness,
and full of energy, and above all a perfect soldier, Colonel Burnham
infused a new spirit into an organization which had been exhausted by
arduous marches, a severe battle, and a weary campaign. It was about
this time that another piece of good luck happened to the regiment,
which was the appointment of Dr. Mayer, as Surgeon. He was a good
physician, and as a surgeon could not be surpassed in the army of the
Potomac. He commenced immediately to make improvements in and out of
the hospital, and to look to the cleanliness of the tents, company
streets, and the cooking utensils. He also saw that the food issued
was properly prepared by the cooks; and when he gave cough syrup, it
was not _stuff_ that men would use on their food for molasses.


NEWPORT NEWS AND SUFFOLK.

On the 6th of February, 1863, our connection with the Army of the
Potomac was dissolved. We were ordered to Newport News, where the
regeneration of the regiment steadily progressed. At three o'clock in
the morning the regiment was ordered to _pack up_, and be ready to
march in two hours. It was pitch dark and raining terribly, with mud
six inches deep. It was some little time before the men could get
bon-fires burning, so that we could see to pack up. The men dressed,
took what rations they could get, and fell into line after repeated
orders, leaving most of the tents standing, they being wet and too
heavy to carry. Marching to the depot, the mud was not only deep but
extremely slippery, and nearly every man slipped down, and those that
did not, were completely spattered over from head to foot, and were
covered with mud and completely drenched through to the skin by the
rain, which was decidedly uncomfortable that cold morning. After
shivering in the cold for two hours, we were allowed to get aboard the
freight cars, and were taken to Acquia Creek. Here we went aboard the
steamer John S. Brooks, as did also the 8th and 15th C.V. Most of the
men had little or no water in their canteens, and all suffered
terribly from thirst before we reached Newport News on the afternoon
of the 8th. Whose fault this was I am unable to say, but it was a
great piece of negligence to put troops aboard a vessel knowing that
they were to remain there for over two days without seeing them
provided with water. Newport News was a paradise by the side of
Falmouth. There was no mud, rations were good, and the weather was
beautiful. We were quartered in barracks, which made it very pleasant.

On landing, the first thing was a drink of water, and then two days
rations of soft bread were issued to us, which, although being two
loaves, was disposed of in less than two hours; the first one in
something less than five minutes. Not having tasted any for over five
months we appreciated it. The guard mounts, dress parades, and reviews
at this place were the grandest and most imposing ever witnessed in
this country. About five weeks were spent in drilling, recruiting,
&c., at the end of which time the 3d Division was ordered to Suffolk
to strengthen the force at that point.

It was the early part of March and bitter cold when the regiment left
Newport News and by boat went to Norfolk, where they went aboard a
train consisting of platform cars with a single baggage or passenger
car in the rear for the officers. Everything being in readiness the
train started and sped on its way to Suffolk, arriving there at
midnight. The men jumped off the train and fell into line, when lo and
behold only two officers were to be found. The car containing the
officers had not been attached to the train. The two officers present
had for some reason got upon the cars with their men, and therefore
were with the regiment. But we had no orders, whether we were to go
farther or stay there, and whom to report to we did not know. The
train moved off, dark as a pocket, and some of the men nearly froze to
death. Something had got to be done. After a little consultation, the
two officers took command of the two wings respectively, and the First
Sergeants the companies. The regiment moved off by the flank to cut
their way through the darkness and encamp _somewhere_, until daylight.
We first tumbled down a steep embankment, at least twelve feet, the
men falling on all sides, then into a brook two feet deep and six feet
wide, and finally brought up against a rail fence. Tearing this down
we passed into a field and halted, not deeming it best to proceed
farther. The men spread out in every direction in the darkness, each
one bringing in what he could find in the shape of wood to build
fires.

There was a house near by which we supposed to be vacant, and the men
in the darkness had taken all the fence and wood, and had even pulled
the clapboards from the house as high as they could be reached. When
morning came, we found it to be an elegant wood house painted white,
and the owner thereof at first made quite a fuss, but when he found so
many of the men nearly frozen to death, he concluded _it was all for
his country_. It was on that night that the Quartermaster-Sergeant
found that one of the men had bored a hole into a barrel of coffee,
which he had mistaken for whiskey, and was shaking it up good,
wondering why it would not run. Daylight finally came and we found
that we were on the outskirts of the city and within sixty rods of the
112th N.Y. Vols., whose generous Colonel hearing the noise in the
night, reconnoitered and finding that we were Union troops, ordered
all his cooks up to make us hot coffee. Kettle after kettle of hot
coffee all sweetened, was brought to us, which we drank in large
quantities before getting thoroughly warmed through. This was a
perfect godsend to us, and a more thoughtful action could not have
been done by the Colonel. We fully appreciated it, as was shown by the
fast friendship between the two regiments thereafter. Some half dozen
of the men nearly died, by being chilled through, being several days
before they were able to do duty. The officers arrived next morning on
the regular train.




CHAPTER IV.

1863.

SIEGE OF SUFFOLK.


During the siege of Suffolk the Sixteenth took an active part on the
defensive side, and had the honor of two engagements with the enemy,
in one sally losing one killed and seven wounded, and in a sort of
half battle across the Nansemond river, two killed and eight wounded.

"But though we did not suffer much from the enemy, we did a good deal
from General Peck. This fidgetty old man kept fortifying and
re-fortifying until his soldiers had become regular mud-diggers, and
he had spent no end of labor and money in constructing works of
immense magnitude, to defend a position not worth holding. There was
digging and basket-weaving to an extent that went far toward
developing the talents of the soldiers for farm work, and there were
orders enough issued to supply the greatest army on earth. It will not
easily be forgotten that the Eighth, who had been especially affected
by gabion manufacture, awoke one morning and, instead of the stars and
stripes, found a large sheet floating from their flagstaff with the
inscription: "Peck's Avengers, or the Basket-Makers of the
Nansemond."[2]

At four o'clock in the afternoon of April 11th, could be seen the
pickets coming into town with a vengeance. Soon could be heard the
long roll beating in the camps near General Peck's headquarters, and
almost instantly the excited General himself came riding into camp at
break-neck speed, the guard coming very near bayoneting his horse,
ordering the regiment under arms immediately. Colonel Beach, who was
in his tent, overhearing the order, came out and told the General
"that he would frighten the _best_ of troops, and that he (Beach)
would not stir an _inch_ until he received orders through the proper
channels." As soon as the orders came properly we fell in and marched
to our position at the breastworks. Two days after, the rebels made an
attack directly opposite the Sixteenth on the Somerton Road, but were
so handsomely repulsed by the artillery, that they soon retired. From
that time until the siege was raised we had the usual amount of hard
labor and constant watching night and day that attends a siege and
constant exposure to the enemy's fire. On April 24th, under the
command of General Corcoran, the 13th Indiana, and the 11th and 16th
Connecticut regiments went out on the Edenton Road on a
reconnoissance. After skirmishing with the enemy for about thirty
minutes, the regiment charged, driving the rebels from their pits to
their earth-works, which was, perhaps, fifty rods. After holding this
line long enough for the artillery to have a good duel and the General
to find out the strength of the rebels, we returned within our
defenses.

The regiment captured five prisoners, the officer of the pickets, a
sword and various cooking utensils, which the rebels had left in their
hurry. The casualties were one killed and seven wounded. This was a
very successful skirmish and gave the men great confidence in
themselves. Owing to swamps and the slashing on the edge of the woods,
which the rebels had prepared, the men came into camp with their
clothing completely ruined, making it necessary for an issue of
clothing the next day.

On Sunday, May 3d, the regiment was ordered across the Nansemond river
on the Providence Church Road, where they were engaged with the enemy
several hours. The casualties were two killed and eight wounded.
Privates H.W. Barber (A) and Frederick P. Cooley (H) were killed
outright and Capt. Tennant, Serg't Pocket (D) and Corp'l Rivers (I)
died from the effects of their wounds soon after, making really a loss
of five killed. First Serg't Blakeslee (A) seriously wounded in the
head, (making the second time in the same place,) was examined by Col.
Beach, Capt. Pasco, and other members of the regiment and pronounced
dead and left on the field.

Chaplain Francis B. Butler, of the 25th N.J. Regiment, while picking
up Serg't Blakeslee, was fatally shot by a sharpshooter and died a few
hours after with prayer on his lips for the wounded who lay around
him. Under good surgical treatment by Surgeon Mayer, Serg't Blakeslee
was able to fight other battles. Capt. Tennant was wounded in the
early part of the action, and was taken from the field on a rude
litter; notwithstanding the pain caused by the wound, he was cheerful
and smiling; and remarked that he was good for a ten day's furlough.
He was a brave young officer, and one of the best in the service. He
was greatly beloved, and his early death brought sadness to many a
brave heart. Young Barber's last words were "Tell mother that I never
was a coward."


FOOTNOTES:

  [2] Surgeon Mayor's Address. Re-union, 1867.




CHAPTER V.

1863.

PORTSMOUTH, ON TO RICHMOND.


After the siege was raised, the regiment remained in Suffolk until the
middle of June, when they removed to Portsmouth, and encamped about
three miles from the city, on the western branch of the Elizabeth
river. This camp was formerly occupied by the 22d Georgia (rebel)
regiment. The site was in a splendid grove and being on the bank of
the river, afforded a fine place for the men to bathe, row, sail, and
catch fish and oysters. I recollect of no place where the regiment
lived so well, and enjoyed themselves so much as there. We had been
there but two days when we were ordered to build a fort; but after
working on it two days, it was abandoned by an order to be ready to
march in light marching order with three days rations the next
morning. Every thing was made ready and the men retired as usual at
nine o'clock. But at half-past eleven the long roll sounded, and after
forming in line the regiment marched through the woods to Portsmouth,
a distance of three miles, in pitch darkness, and embarked on a
transport, which left at 3 A.M.


YORKTOWN, WHITE HOUSE LANDING.

At eleven o'clock we found ourselves at Yorktown, encamping on the
grounds where many a soldier had fought. The works built by McClellan
and even those of the revolutionary war were still visible as was also
the spot where the sword of Lord Cornwallis was surrendered by General
O'Hara to General Lincoln, who was designated by Washington to receive
it.

At half-past one on the morning of the 26th, the long roll beat again,
and after falling in, the regiment marched to the wharf where they
waited in the rain till 10 o'clock for a transport. At eleven all was
ready, and after sailing up the Pamunkey river, which is one of the
crookedest rivers in the country, as well as one of the finest and
most picturesque, we disembarked at White House Landing.

Spier's cavalry had gone ahead of us one day and surprised the rebels,
they barely having time to get aboard a train which stood in readiness
to take them to Richmond. The cavalry then made a little raid through
three counties, returning on the evening after the day of our arrival.
They reported one severe fight and the capture of Brig. Gen. Wm. H.F.
Lee, one Lieutenant-Colonel, one Surgeon, and one hundred prisoners.
They also brought with them thirty-five wagons, besides burning
eighty-five wagons and several railroad bridges. On the 28th, General
Dix and Staff arrived and preparations were at once made for a move
towards Richmond. Captain Pasco, of Company A, received his commission
as Major on this day.


BLACKBERRY RAID.

On the morning of July 1st, the reveille sounded early and the
division crossed the river, and after marching hard all day encamped
for the night near King William's Court House. The next morning we
were aroused at three o'clock, and marched to Brandywine, a distance
of eight miles. On July 3d the reveille sounded at three o'clock, but
we did not commence to march till five, when we marched pretty steady
until one o'clock. The entire army had to stop then on account of the
heat. This was the hottest day of the summer, and between the hours of
twelve and one, sixty-five men fell out of the Sixteenth, fifteen of
them having received a severe sunstroke. Four out of our Brigade died
almost instantly. At five in the afternoon, the division commenced to
march again and did not halt till nine in the evening, making in all
about twenty miles that day. The name of this place was Taylor's
Ferry.

The next day being July 4th, was a legal holiday in times of peace,
but was not so for this division. The 11th and 16th Connecticut
regiments and a section of battery were left at this point to guard a
bridge and the supply train. The rest of the army moved to Hanover
Court House, where they had a rather tough time. After marching all
day, they had to tear up three miles of railroad, cut telegraph wires
and burn bridges, all under the fire of the enemy. This did a great
deal of good, for Lee was in Pennsylvania, and finding his
communication cut in the rear, retreated.

The next morning the Sixteenth was up at three, moved their position
at five, and at eight the troops who had gone to Hanover Court House,
returned. At noon three regiments were detailed to forage on the
country and take all the beef, mules, horses, sheep and salt, which
they could find. At two o'clock a supply train from White House
Landing arrived with two days rations. At eight in the evening, we
found that the enemy were after us, and we started on the retreat.
Contrabands followed us in large numbers. At ten the rebels were close
on our heels, as we passed through Mongoheck. At three o'clock the
next morning we had gained somewhat on the rebels and were allowed an
hour's rest at the Town of Ayletts. The men were so tired on this
march, that they actually slept while marching, and when we halted at
3 o'clock that morning the men fell as if struck by lightning and were
all sound asleep in two second's time. But our position was not safe,
and the bugle sounded the reveille at four and after partaking of a
scanty breakfast, we marched till half-past two in the afternoon, when
we encamped about a mile this side of King William's Court House in a
hard rain storm. This was certainly a hard fate for those who went to
Hanover Court House, too fearful to be believed, making three days and
two nights of hard labor with only one hour's rest. But it had to be
done. Several who were unable to keep up and fell out were mercilessly
shot dead by guerrillas who harassed the rear. A great many of the men
provided themselves with horses, which they took out of barns by the
road-side. The reveille as usual sounded at an early hour (three A.M.)
the next morning and we marched to White House Landing, reaching there
at eleven. The next day the division took up their line of march and
marched to Hampton through a heavy rain storm and mud knee deep.
Thence by boat they proceeded to Portsmouth, reaching their old camps
on the afternoon of the 14th.

This raid in history is called the "Blackberry Raid," there being no
end of blackberries, of the most luscious kind. It was during this
raid that a new Chaplain, (Charles Dixon, of the Eighth Conn. Vols.,)
reported for duty. There seemed to be at first serious objections,
both among the officers and men, to our having a chaplain, but they
were soon dismissed; for he was one of those rare men whom all learned
to love, and his bravery in battle and southern prisons won him a good
name. On our return to Portsmouth, through a special order, a
Regimental Band was organized, which grew to be a most excellent one,
and added not a little to our military standing.


CAMP TENNANT.

July 15th, 16th, and 17th, was spent in fixing up our camp. But the
19th, 20th, and 21st was spent entirely in _trying_ to have a review.
The first day we marched two miles, stood in a broiling sun for two
hours, and then returned to camp. The next day the same performance
was gone through with and no reviewing officer came. Finally, on the
last day, just as General Foster got within a few rods of us the rain
came down in torrents, and continued till General Foster went away.
The rain stopped at five, and as the men were all ready for the review
it was agreed that the ceremony should be gone through with by Colonel
Burnham acting as reviewing officer, and Major Pasco taking the
command. From this time until the ninth of September there was but
little to attract attention, except the general routine of parades,
picket and police duty. The regiment therefore had a little time of
rest.

On the 30th of July, Colonel C.H. Prentice, J.G. Rathbun, J.A. Case,
and J.S. Brooks, of Hartford, made a visit to the regiment. As nearly
the entire regiment were acquainted with them, they were _very_
welcome, and we presume they enjoyed their visit, especially the day
that they visited the outposts, a distance of seven miles from camp,
when one of those southern rain-storms came up, and they got a
thorough soaking. This delayed their visit another day, in order to
have their clothes dried. The quartermaster temporarily supplied them
with brogans and clothes, but the amusing part of it was that Col. P.
was so large and tall that the soldier's sizes could not be gotten
only half on, and therefore with a cap and coat half on, and pants
that reached a little below the knees, and with a huge pair of
brogans, he looked so badly that he stayed in the Colonel's tent and
played euchre all day and night. It was about this time that we had
some terribly hot weather, the thermometer reaching 118° on August 2d,
and 115° on August 3d. The pious members of the regiment went to work
and built a chapel, which turned out to be a very fine edifice, and
together with a temperance organization which started about this time,
effected a great deal of good. The chapel was dedicated with
impressive ceremonies, and a church organization was formed, the
fruits of which last even to this day. The surgeons ordered some
hospitals built, which were also dedicated by a fine dance. The
_morale_ of the regiment at this time was about perfect, and I can not
better write of it than in the words of Surgeon Nathan Mayer, in his
address to the regiment, at its reunion in 1867.

"Gradually the finest camp but one, which it has been my fortune to
see, grew up. The most perfect order, the most civilized condition
prevailed. The tents were neatly and prettily furnished, as our
Connecticut country homes are, and the ground was always in beautiful
condition. As winter approached the men built a hospital of logs,
log-houses for the officers, log-kitchens, and eating saloons for the
companies. Our pioneers erected a perfect village. Everybody purchased
pine slats and made pretty huts, using their tents as peaked roofs to
the structures. A chapel of considerable pretensions was raised--and
here the difference between Connecticut and New York soldiers was
apparent in more than one way, but in none more than in this. While
the New York battery at our side thought first of all of erecting a
theatre, _we_ built a hospital and a chapel. While _they_ gave their
leisure to studying parts and rehearsing them, _we_ organized prayer
meetings, a choir, and endeavored in various ways to perfect ourselves
as soldiers and men. Of great benefit was the presence of ladies in
our camp. A number of officers and men had asked their wives to visit
them in camp, and ere long a pretty row of cottages extended on the
right flank of the grounds; in these there was singing, and chatting,
and playing euchre or whist, and other social games almost every
evening. And the demeanor of every soldier in the camp of the
Sixteenth Connecticut at that time was _gentlemanly_. Not an oath was
heard, not a phrase that in any way could offend the ear of a virtuous
female; not an act perpetrated that savored of anything but deference
and respect toward the sex. To complete the softening influence thus
cast on the regiment the Colonel's mother, Mrs. Burnham, paid us a
visit, and went among the men as such a good, sensible old lady, with
a heart full of kindness, and a head full of shrewd Connecticut sense,
would naturally do. She advised and comforted those in trouble,
listened to complaints and nursed the sick. She was regarded as a
representative of the good respectable home life which we had left,
and to which we would sooner or later return, and the veneration and
affection of the regiment for her was unbounded.

During all these weeks the military standing of the regiment rose
perceptibly. There was not a cleaner, prompter, more loyal, reliable,
and honest regiment in the service. No brighter arms, no quicker
evolutions, no greater perfection in drill was to be found any where.
The dress parade every evening gathered a crowd of lookers on. The
guards, if detailed to other points, attracted attention. And the name
of the Sixteenth was a good name in every man's mouth."


EXCURSION THROUGH DISMAL SWAMP.

On September 9th, five companies were detailed to go to South Mills,
to do two weeks picketing. South Mills was about twenty-two miles from
our outposts, and within seven miles of Elizabeth City. It was
infested by guerrillas, and was merely held that no rebels might come
through Dismal Swamp and surprise us. It was about the only place in
that famous swamp where a few houses could be built and called a
village. The detachment, under the command of Major Pasco, reached
Deep Creek that morning, at half past nine. At Deep Creek the five
companies, together with two wagons loaded with provisions, embarked
on two canal boats, and hitching mules to the boats we were on the way
to North Carolina. The scenery through the swamp was novel. This mode
of traveling was new to the soldiers, and was highly enjoyed. Some
footed it on the tow-path, some played chess, or cards, others smoked
and read, and others danced to music from a fiddle and guitar, played
by Dennison and Thompson. The canal was filled with turtles, snakes,
and frogs of large dimensions. Thousands of snakes were killed that
day, as the boat moved slowly along by the men cutting them in two
with willow switches.

Arriving at South Mills at 7 P.M. we immediately proceeded to encamp
in the dark by the side of Spier's cavalry about half a mile from the
wharf; but before we could pitch our tents a terrible thunder storm
came up and continued all night. Such a storm of lightning, thunder
and rain, but few of us ever witnessed before. We were about drowned
out by morning. The next day was a lively one. We changed camp in the
morning, and three of the cavalry who were on picket were fired into
by a party of about 40 guerrillas. One of the men was shot in three
places and expired immediately. His horse was also shot in three
places, the other two escaped all injuries. Two companies of cavalry
were immediately sent out and scoured the woods, but could find
nothing. One of our spies came in and informed us that the guerrilla
camp numbering about 800, had found out our strength and position and
they would probably attack us. So we moved our camp to our original
position by the side of the cavalry for safety. In the evening a
guerrilla, while trying to crawl through the lines, was caught by the
pickets. The next day three men were arrested, one of which proved to
be a guerrilla, and was sent to General Getty for sentence. His name
was Finley. Late in the evening three more companies of the 5th
Pennsylvania cavalry came to reinforce us. On September 14th a spy
came into camp and informed us that the commander of the guerrilla
band was in town, and that he was to leave that night with four
recruits. Captain Robinson, with 26 picked men, were detailed to go
out and lay in ambush, where he was to pass. But we lost them as they
had passed there in the afternoon.

On Tuesday, September 15th, three scouting parties, consisting of the
5th and 11th Pennsylvania cavalry went out in the morning on three
roads and returned in the evening, bringing with them five rebel
soldiers and a colored man. On the 21st, five companies of the 15th
Connecticut relieved us and the next day we returned to our old camp
at Portsmouth. This trip, although dangerous on account of guerrillas,
who were continually shooting at us if we strayed a short distance
from our command, was much enjoyed by the men. The excursion we shall
always look back upon with pleasure. The beautiful scenery, and many
incidents and exciting times we shall never forget. The frightful
noises of Dismal Swamp in the night cannot be imagined by one who has
never been there. A night in Dismal Swamp is never forgotten.

After our return from South Mills there was another of what the boys
called "a long spell" of quiet, the time being used up mostly by
picket duty. Thanksgiving was observed as well as possible. On the 6th
of December Sergeant Major Herbert Landon and 1st Sergeant B.F.
Blakeslee received commissions as Second Lieutenants; and on New
Year's Day Lieutenant Turner was promoted to be Captain. On the 3d of
January, the Chapel was dedicated with ceremonies, the Chaplains of
the 11th Pennsylvania, 13th New Haven, 5th Pennsylvania cavalry, and
8th and 16th Connecticut regiments taking part. The building was
filled to overflowing and excellent music was furnished by a choir of
ladies and gentlemen. In the evening a prayer meeting was held. The
next day a few recruits came, being the only ones the regiment ever
had, for while other regiments recruited largely, no one cared to
enlist in the Sixteenth, a regiment noted for having severe hardships.
And it was very unfortunate for those who joined us that day, for
nearly all of them died in prison. On the 20th of January orders came
to be ready to move at an early hour the next morning. In accordance
with the order the men were up as early as one o'clock; and at
precisely three o'clock the camp was fired and in a few moments
nothing was left of the finest camp we ever had. Taking the cars we
went to Portsmouth.




CHAPTER VI.

1864.

PLYMOUTH.


At Portsmouth the companies E, K, G, and B went aboard the steamer
S.R. Spalding and the remainder on the Vidette. The weather was very
fine and we had merry times and a fine sail around Cape Hatteras,
reaching Morehead City on the morning of the 23d and proceeded thence
by rail to New Berne. We left New Berne at midnight on the "John
Farron" for Plymouth, and arrived there at midnight on the 24th. On
the 26th Companies A, C, and H, under Capt. Hintz, went on a raid with
other troops, under Col. Maxwell.

These companies returned on the 28th, and after that there were
several raids into the interior, which the men enjoyed very much, as
they had exciting times in breaking up rebel cavalry camps and
capturing and burning up large quantities of cotton and tobacco,
besides taking a number of prisoners. For some time the regiment lay
here, going on raids, doing picket duty, and making such fine dress
parades that it called forth the entire town every evening. One little
incident which occurred here, and as it has been published, I will
insert it as written by Serg't Maj. Robert H. Kellogg:

"There's one thing, at least, to be said in favor of Plymouth. It was
the home of a few "true blue," loyal Southerners--a _very_ few,
however. They were hard to find, and I fear they are yet. The loyal
men before spoken of, and some who were not loyal, were blessed with
numerous daughters, fair to behold, but apt to have a few little
weaknesses, such as 'dipping snuff' and smoking corn cob pipes. One of
these men lived in a small house half way between the camp of the 16th
and the western or left end of the town, and was blessed (or cursed, I
doubt if he knew which at times,) with three daughters, and pretty
ones they were. 'The prettiest girls I've seen yet!' was the emphatic
declaration of each succeeding man who was lucky enough by dint of
long watching or shrewd stratagem to get a peep at them. For, be it
known, the father was as watchful over these fair scions of his house,
as any ogre, read of in fairy tales, could possibly have been over his
captives. Perhaps he had read some sensation tale of 'excesses of a
brutal and licentious soldiery,' and thereupon resolved to keep his
household uncontaminated from the least approach of such an insidious
foe. I can not think he had taken a good square look into the honest
faces of the 16th men, nor heard Chaplain Dixon preach to his crowded
audience of boys in blue, every Sunday. At all events he seemed
determined that no officer or soldier should form the acquaintance of
his girls. On the other hand, our boys were quite as determined that
they _would_ become acquainted with them. But how was it to be done?
That was the question which was presented to the mind of many a one
who had cast 'sheep's eyes' at that humble dwelling in the hope of
getting a glimpse at its fair inmates. Many and various were the plans
which were made, but alas!

    'The best laid schemes o' mice an' men,
              Gang aft a-gley,
    And lea'e us naught but grief and pain,
              For promised joy.'

"None had been successful until at last one day two members of Co. "A"
walked coolly and boldly into the forbidden cottage. First let me give
the names of the ones who did it, then I'll tell _how_ they did it.
The persistent and successful schemers were Corporal Sam Belden,
(remembered by every one of his surviving comrades to-day and by many
friends in this vicinity,) and Private John Quinn. And this was 'the
way the fort was taken.' After much polishing of buttons and brushing
of uniforms, they obtained possession of the Company Clothing Book and
another volume of similar size, which they found in the Orderly
Sergeant's tent; and on a pleasant afternoon quietly left the camp,
unnoticed, and proceeded to the scene of interest. A modest knock at
the door brought out 'pater familias' or 'old tar heels' as the
unsuccessful besiegers spitefully termed him. Corporal Sam coolly
informed him, with that imperturbable gravity of countenance and
manner for which he was celebrated, that they were deputed by General
Wessells, who was in command of the Post, _to take the census of the
town_. There was no getting around _that_, for an order emanating from
such a source was not to be lightly disobeyed; so they were rather
ungraciously admitted to the heretofore unvisited house--couldn't call
it a mansion by any stretch of the imagination. Once seated inside,
Corporal Sam as spokesman, commenced a series of questions which the
U.S. Census Commissioners would have hard work to equal, private Q.
jotting down the replies of the blushing and confused girls, and of
the astonished father. Of course, by this cool and ingenious method
they obtained the names of all, their ages, and other interesting
information, and moreover they did it all with such suavity, and
conducted themselves with such gentlemanly deportment, that, from that
day they were invited, happy, envied, and regular visitors at the
forbidden house."

On March 3d, at noon, the regiment was again on board the "John
Farron," and on its way to Newbern, arriving there the next day
evening and quartering in barracks near the Neuse River.

On the 11th the "Lancer" brought our baggage, and also the sad news of
the drowning of Captain Mix, who in attempting to return to the
regiment took a small schooner for Roanoke Island. While in Albemarle
Sound, a squall struck the boat; and the boom knocked Capt. Mix
overboard, as he sat smoking on deck. A boat was instantly lowered;
but when within twenty-five feet, he sank. He was a good swimmer, but
was encumbered with a heavy overcoat and large boots. He was well
versed in tactics and military discipline, and was the last of the
original captains of the Sixteenth.

On March 17th, Company "G," was ordered to Fort Stevenson, to relieve
the Twenty-first, who were ordered to Little Washington.

On March 20th, a negro riot occurred across the Trent River. Captain
Burke, with one hundred men of the Sixteenth, soon quelled it,
bringing with him between two and three hundred prisoners, whom he
turned over to the Provost Marshal.

_Pack up at once_, was the order soon after tattoo, and at midnight
the regiment with all its baggage was aboard the "Thomas Collyer,"
returning to Plymouth. It was terribly stormy and rough; and at seven
in the evening the vessel got out of the channel and ran aground in
Albemarle Sound, a distance of about seven miles from Roanoke Island
Landing. Here we lay until half past eleven on the morning of the 23d,
the gale blowing terrifically, and the boat going higher and higher on
the ground with every wave. The men were without rations, and
suffering terribly from the cold and freezing spray. _A flag of
distress_ was raised, but not until the storm abated did any vessel
dare come for our rescue. Finally the "General Berry," which was at
Roanoke Island and had been watching for twenty-four hours, came and
took us to Plymouth. The "Thomas Collyer" was nearly dashed to pieces,
and it was some months before she was got off the bank, and was put in
running order. The regiment lost considerable camp and garrison
equipage, and some ordnance stores, which were washed overboard.


BATTLE OF PLYMOUTH, 1864.

I find in my diary, as early as March 24, that our pickets were fired
into by rebel scouting parties, and on the next day we were expecting
to be attacked. This rumor probably arose from some contrabands whom
we traded with at the picket post, on the Columbia road, and who
reported the enemy in large numbers in two counties south of us. These
reports, together with the information General Wessells received, that
the ram Albemarle was about completed, led the General on the 13th of
April to ask for more troops, in order to hold the place if attacked.
General Butler replied: "You will have to defend the district with
your present force, and you will make such disposition of them as will
in your judgment best subserve this end."

About the 14th of April, while officer of the picket, on the Lee's
Mill road, an officer of General Wessells' staff and the officer of
the day, invited me to accompany them outside of the lines, to see
what information we could pick up. Mounting cavalry horses, we went
out a distance of four or five miles, returning by the way of the
Columbia road picket post. At one house where we stopped, a lady who
had just arrived from the interior said that the rebels were
concentrating, and it was reported that they were going to attack
Plymouth. As I had heard these stories before, I paid but little
attention to her report at the time.

On Saturday, April 16th, two days after, I was again officer of the
picket on the Columbia road. The next morning (Sunday) at dawn, while
asleep at the reserve post, I was awakened by the discharge of a
musket by the picket at the bridge. Rushing to the spot, I found the
picket to be William Maxwell, of Company A. He reported five or six
scouts who had come to the edge of the woods suddenly, but fled on
being fired at. I reported the fact to General Wessells, on being
relieved at nine o'clock A.M. He seemed to think them guerrillas, but
they proved to be advance guards, for in the afternoon when most of
the soldiers were in church, the pickets were attacked by cavalry on
the Washington and Lee's Mill roads simultaneously, and so sudden was
the attack on the Washington road that the entire reserve picket were
taken prisoners.

The "long roll" was sounded, and the troops prepared for the attack.
Light artillery and cavalry were immediately sent out to ascertain the
strength of the enemy. They had a short engagement, resulting in one
killed, and Lieutenant Russell of New York Cavalry badly wounded. In
the garrison, there were besides the Sixteenth Conn. Vols., the
Eighty-fifth New York Volunteers, One Hundred and First, and One
Hundred and Third Pennsylvania Volunteers, Twenty-fourth New York
Independent Battery, two companies of the Second Massachusetts Heavy
Artillery, two companies of New York Cavalry, and two companies Second
North Carolina Volunteers, making in all 1,600 effective men. Early in
the evening the enemy made a furious attack upon Fort Gray, on the
river, a mile above the town. By eleven o'clock in the evening it was
ascertained that the enemy had a force of between ten and twelve
thousand men, and all loyal women and children in the place were
embarked on board the "Massasoit," and sent to Roanoke Island. It was
very evident to us that we must either be killed or go to "Libby."
Company "H," Captain Barnum, had been sent that morning to Roanoke
Island for duty, and therefore a remnant of the regiment avoided the
fate of prison life in the south.

The next day the enemy opened with artillery at an early hour, and the
firing on the skirmish line was very lively until eleven o'clock.
Captain Burke was wounded in the shoulder during the morning. At five
o'clock in the afternoon I was detailed with fifty men to skirmish
with the enemy on the Lee's Mill road for an hour or two to allow the
regular picket line a little rest and time to eat. I had hardly got
the line properly deployed, when it seems the enemy were ready to make
their assault on the town. From the woods emerged the Confederates in
great numbers. The loyal line fired a few regular shots, but the enemy
came pouring out of the woods in such numbers that the Union line
withered and shrank back. The enemy's artillery came to the crest of
the hill, and so well was it manned that our camps were completely
riddled, and Fort Williams partially silenced.

It was a regular artillery fight, and many old army officers said it
was the handsomest artillery duel they ever witnessed. Three of the
Sixteenth were wounded in the engagements in the skirmish line, one of
whom was A.P. Forbes, of Company B. The enemy came on so rapidly, and
we retired so slowly, that the two lines nearly met. One of the
Sixteenth was pressed so closely that, in the dusk of the evening, he
dodged behind a stump and thereby saved himself from capture. He was
so near the Confederate battery that he overheard a staff officer give
the order, "It is no use, captain, we cannot endure this fire,--limber
to the rear." The enemy retiring, he returned inside our ranks.

Heavy artillery firing was kept up until eleven o'clock P.M., and
under cover of the darkness, the enemy advanced up to Fort Wessells, a
work about ten hundred yards in front of the line of fortifications.
Fort Wessells was furiously stormed three separate times, by a very
superior force with great loss of life. The third time it had to
succumb, and sixty men were captured. The fort was well supplied with
hand grenades, which were used with great effectiveness. It was during
this night that the famous ram, "Albemarle," came down the Roanoke
river, passing our batteries, sank the Southfield, and drove off the
balance of the fleet of gunboats. The Bombshell had previously gone up
the river, and in returning was so completely riddled by the enemy's
batteries, that she sank on arriving at the dock.

The next day their artillery opened on the right of the town, but the
lay of the ground in front of our works was such that it was really
our strongest point. A few of their infantry advanced into a ravine in
our front, and were unable to extricate themselves until dark.

During the day the town was pretty effectually shelled, and a caisson
was blown up on each side. Our navy being entirely gone, the ram
"Albemarle" did good service for the enemy, with ninety and two
hundred pound shot.

Three separate times were we asked to surrender and save further
sacrifice of life, but each was peremptorily declined. General Hoke
(rebel) the last time replying, "I will fill your citadel _full_ of
iron; I will compel your surrender, if I have to fight to the last
man."

There was no doubt now but what we must succumb sooner or later. There
was no hope unless reinforced, and that could not be as long as the
ram was in the river. The men built bombproofs and traverses, which
were a great protection.

Late in the evening, Co. "G" was ordered to the left of the town, on
the Columbia road. They lay there during the night, preventing the
gunners on the ram from sighting their guns and coming on deck; they
also had two little brushes with cavalry, who broke through the line
to procure beef that was in a yard near by. The enemy, meanwhile, were
concentrating nearly half their force opposite this point.

By 4.30 o'clock on the morning of the 20th, (I find from their
accounts,) they had ten regiments of infantry, four battalions of
artillery, (Pegram's, Blunt's, Marshall's, and Lee's,) and two
companies of cavalry, besides the "Albemarle" and "Cotton Plant." This
must have made a force of five or six thousand in line about six
hundred yards in front of our works. At this hour a rocket was sent up
as the signal for the attack, and a more furious charge we never
witnessed. Instantly over our heads came a peal of thunder from the
ram. Up rose a curling wreath of smoke--the batteries had opened, and
quickly flashed fierce forks of flame--loud and earth-shaking roars in
quick succession. Lines of men came forth from the woods--the battle
had begun.

Company G, being on the skirmish line, fell back and entered "Coneby
redoubt," properly barred the gate and manned the works. The enemy,
with yells, charged on the works, in heavy column, jumped into the
ditch, climbed the parapet, and, with the artillery company (who had
previously occupied the redoubt), for fifteen murderous minutes, were
shot down like mown grass. The conflict was bloody, short, and
decisive. The enemy were in such numbers that we had to yield. The
gate had been crushed down by rebel shot, and the enemy poured in to
the number of five or six hundred, with thousands on the outside.
Great confusion then ensued; guns were spiked, musket barrels bent,
and all sorts of mischief practiced by the Union soldiers, while the
enemy were swearing at a terrible rate, because we would not take off
equipments and inform them if the guns could be turned on the town,
and in trying to reorganize their troops, who were badly mixed, to
take the next work. We were prisoners, and as we marched out of the
fort we could see at what a fearful cost it was to them. There were in
the fort at the time, forty artillery men, who fired grape and
canister, and forty-two of Company "G," (two being unable to get in,
or not hearing the orders, went back to town,) making a total of
eighty-two men, against five or six thousand. Our loss was one
wounded, an artillery man, while the rebel loss, from their latest
accounts, was five hundred killed and wounded. The enemy then passed
in the rear and on the bank of the river, to the right of the town,
and while part of their force was on the right working towards the
center, those on the left were doing the same. Every position was
obstinately maintained. A squad of men here, and a squad there, the
redoubts and forts were but slowly captured. For three or four hours,
Fort Williams, with guns turned, did murderous execution, nearly two
hours of which was in the streets of Plymouth. By half-past ten
o'clock the last gun had been fired, the flag over our citadel
lowered, and _Plymouth had fallen_.

The troops were captured by an overwhelming force, after one of the
severest fights of the war. In the words of J.W. Merrill, the author
of "Records of the Twenty-fourth N.Y. Battery," "there is no question
that the defense of Plymouth by its garrison of 1,600 men against a
besieging force of 12,000 men, was one of the hardest fought battles
of the war." The rebels raised the "black flag" against the negroes
found in uniform, and mercilessly shot them down.

The shooting in cold blood of three or four hundred negroes and two
companies of North Carolina troops who had joined our army, and even
murdering peaceable citizens (as I have the personal knowledge of the
killing, with the butt-end of a musket, of Mr. Spruell, the man whom I
boarded with, and by the way, a secessionist, for objecting to the
plundering of a trunk which he had packed), were scenes of which the
Confederates make no mention, except the hanging of one person, but of
which many of us were eye-witnesses, was but the Fort Pillow massacre
re-enacted.

The following order was issued the day after the capture by Gen. Peck:


              HEADQUARTERS ARMY AND DISTRICT OF NORTH CAROLINA, }
                                 NEWBERN, N.C., April 21, 1864. }

    General Orders, }
        No. 66. }

    With feelings of the deepest sorrow the commanding general
    announces the fall of Plymouth, N.C., and the capture of its
    gallant commander, Brigadier-General H.W. Wessels and his
    command. This result, however, was not obtained until after the
    most gallant and determined resistance had been made. Five times
    the enemy stormed the lines of the General, and as many times
    were they handsomely repulsed with great slaughter, and but for
    the powerful assistance of the Rebel iron clad ram and the
    floating sharp-shooter battery, the Cotton Plant, Plymouth would
    still have been in our hands. For their noble defense the
    gallant General Wessells and his brave band have and deserve the
    warmest thanks of the whole country, while all will sympathize
    with them in their misfortune. To officers and men of the navy
    the Commanding General tenders his thanks for their hearty
    co-operation with the army, and the bravery, determination and
    courage that marked their part of the unequal contest. With
    sorrow he records the death of the noble sailor and gallant
    patriot, Lieutenant Commander C.W. Flusser, U.S.N., who, in the
    heat of battle, fell dead on the deck of his ship, with the
    lanyard of his gun in his hand.

    The Commanding General believes that these misfortunes will tend
    not to discourage but to nerve the Army of North Carolina to
    equal deeds of bravery and gallantry hereafter. Until further
    order, the headquarters of the sub-district of the Albemarle
    will be at Roanoke Island.

    The command devolves upon Colonel D.W. Wardrop, of the
    Ninety-ninth New York Infantry.

        By command of
                                           Major-General G. PECK.
    J.A. JUDSON, Assistant Adjutant-General.

While I have given an extended account of the position and service, of
Company "G," the remaining companies were not less exposed, nor did
less fighting. The losses in the Sixteenth were one killed and twelve
wounded. The total losses in the garrison were fifteen killed and
about one hundred wounded. The number captured was about sixteen
hundred. The accounts in the northern papers were meagre and greatly
exaggerated, giving generally the losses of killed and wounded equal
to the entire garrison, and the losses of the enemy in equal
proportion to their number. The Richmond papers gave long and very
accurate accounts of each day's operations, but suppressed their
losses and the killing in cold blood of the North Carolina soldiers,
negroes, and citizens. Their latest accounts, however, admit from four
to six hundred killed and from fifteen hundred to two thousand
wounded. The Rebel Government considered Plymouth of great importance,
and promised Gen. Hoke a Major-General's commission if he would take
the place. It was this incentive that made him storm the works with
such desperation. From the Richmond papers we find mentioned as
operating against us sixteen regiments of infantry, eleven batteries
divided into two battalions and commanded by Majors Reid and Mosely.
The artillery, together with two companies of cavalry, were commanded
by Col. Deering. In addition to the above were the ram Albemarle and
consort Cotton Plant. The whole force was divided into three brigades,
(Hoke's, Ransom's, and Kemper's) commanded respectively by Col.
Mercer, Gen. Ransom, and Col. Terry.


EXTRACTS FROM RICHMOND PAPERS.

The comments and correspondence in regard to the capture of Plymouth
contained in the Richmond Whig, Dispatch, Enquirer, and Examiner,
would fill three volumes of the size of this. Only a few of them can
be inserted:

From the _Enquirer_, April 22, 1864.

    CAPTURE OF PLYMOUTH--ONE THOUSAND SIX HUNDRED PRISONERS AND
    TWENTY-FIVE PIECES OF ARTILLERY CAPTURED.

    The following is a copy of a dispatch received in Richmond,
    yesterday morning, by General Bragg:

    "PLYMOUTH, April 20th.--To General Bragg.--I have
    stormed and carried this place, capturing one Brigadier, one
    thousand six hundred men, a quantity of stores, and twenty-five
    pieces of artillery.

                                             R.D. HOKE, Brig-Gen.

From the _Enquirer_, April 25th:

    PROMOTED.--Brigadier-General R.F. Hoke has been
    promoted to the rank of major-general, to date from the capture
    of Plymouth, N.C.

From the _Enquirer_, April 26th:

    THE PLYMOUTH AFFAIR.--The Wilmington _Journal_, of
    Saturday, says "our loss in killed and wounded is not large
    considering the magnitude of the enterprise; but, as might have
    been looked for from the character of the conflict, the works
    having been stormed, a large proportion of the wounds are of a
    desperate character." When a place is taken by storm, and there
    is resistance, as in this case, the fighting is done hand to
    hand--guns are fired off at a trifling distance and the wounds
    inflicted in most cases are serious if not mortal. We learn that
    some of our wounded who have been brought to Wilson, bear
    evidence of the desperate character of the struggle whilst it
    lasted. They are wounded in almost every imaginable way, and but
    few of their hurts can be called slight.

From the _Dispatch_, May 2d, 1864.

    A correspondent of the _Raleigh (N.C.) Confederate_, sends that
    paper a history of the capture of Plymouth, which is very
    interesting.

       *       *       *       *       *

    FEINT ON WARREN NECK.--On the night of the 17th, an
    attack was made upon Warren Neck, under the direction of Colonel
    Deering. A gunboat of the enemy coming to the assistance of the
    garrison was sunk, and a force of infantry sent from the town
    was repulsed; but the enemy successfully resisted all attempts
    to take this stronghold. On Monday our artillery opened
    vigorously on the town; and during the day both parties pounded
    away at each other incessantly; but beyond a little skirmishing
    with the enemy and manoeuvering for position our infantry did
    nothing. Toward evening, however, it became evident that
    something was on foot; and Ransom's brigade, and the 8th N.C.
    was drawn up in the woods facing the works on the Washington,
    Lee's Mill and Bath roads. A heavy line of skirmishers was
    thrown out under the command of Captain John Pegram, A.A.G., and
    advancing rapidly with the peculiar gait of sharp shooters and
    the yell with which our boys go to the charge, drove the enemy
    back into his works, and approached within two hundred and fifty
    yards of the fort, earnestly demanding to be led into the place.
    Meanwhile Pegram's battery dashed forward at a run, supported by
    the infantry, and unlimbering, devoted a furious fire upon the
    place. Three times we advanced, each time nearer, until within
    good charging distance; but the artillery had it all to
    themselves. The movement was merely a demonstration to call off
    the enemy's attention from Hoke's attack upon Fort Wessells,
    which, after a sharp but short resistance, fell before the
    superior powers of Hoke's brigade; and that night's work was
    done.

    The _Gunboat appears on the scene_. Leaving a line of pickets on
    the field, the main body of the troops withdrew to prepare, by a
    few hours rest, for the attack, which we all felt would be made
    on the morrow, and as we lay down by our fires, every one
    wondered at the Albemarle's delay, and prayed for her speedy
    arrival. At three in the morning we were all awakened by the
    thunder of her Blakely guns, as she defiantly saluted Warren
    Neck, _en passant_, and sailed safely by over the obstructions
    which the enemy had placed in the river. She went to work at
    once among the enemy's gunboats, sinking one and driving the
    rest to Hatteras, and then turning her attention to the
    fortifications, she kept up a speedy fire during the morning,
    silencing the enemy's guns, and driving him into his bombproofs.
    But still the "stars and stripes" floated over his works, and as
    he refused, when summoned to strike his colors, it became
    necessary for us to do it ourselves, and the evening and night
    of the 19th were devoted to preparing for the assault on the
    morning of the 20th. Kemper's brigade had fought gallantly at
    Warren Neck. Hoke's men had taken Fort Wessells with three guns
    and sixty prisoners. It was now Ransom's turn.

    The Columbia road which enters the town at its eastern
    extremity, running parallel with the river and near it, crosses
    Coneby creek about a mile from town: To this point Ransom's
    brigade, the 8th N.C. and Pegram's battery marched late in the
    evening of the 19th, behind a screen of woods, which hid the
    movement from the enemy, and reached the creek about sunset. The
    bridge was destroyed, and the creek was too deep to be forded. A
    strong picket of the enemy was on the opposite bank behind
    entrenchments, and about three-quarters of a mile off were two
    32-pounders and five 12-pounders bearing on the spot. The
    pontoons must be laid for the infantry and artillery to cross,
    and that quickly or the movement would be a failure. The moon
    was shining brightly, turning night almost into day, and not a
    breath of air was stirring, so that every movement we made could
    be distinctly heard or seen by the enemy. Lieutenant Marshall
    Lee, with twenty men of Co. E 24th, was advanced to the water's
    edge supported by the rest of the company, and Co. A of the
    35th, the whole under the command of Captain Barna Lane. The
    pontoon train, under Lieutenant Pool, 10th N.C.T., dashed down
    at a gallop, slid one boat into the creek and quickly and
    rapidly the two companies crossed and were immediately engaged
    with the enemy. The 24th followed at once, the men coming into
    line as fast as they got over, and the enemy fell back, closely
    pursued by Captain Lane's command, deployed as skirmishers. The
    pontoons were now laid and by 8 o'clock the infantry was over
    and formed in line of battle, the left resting on the road and
    the right on the river in the following order: First on the
    right the 55th, second the 25th, third the 8th, fourth the 36th,
    fifth the 24th, with two companies on the south of the road. In
    this position, we lay during the night, sheltering ourselves as
    well as we could from the enemy's two works on the road, which
    kept up a constant fire until nearly day break. Just before day
    a strong line of skirmishers was thrown out before the brigade
    under command of Captain Durham, Q.M., 29 N.C.T., but acting
    temporarily on General Ransom's staff. _The Assault._ At just
    3-½ the morning of the 20th our line began to move forward,
    slowly at first, dressing on the center, and halting
    occasionally for that purpose. From the start the fire from the
    enemy's batteries was rapid and severe, striking down many a
    brave fellow; but closing up the gaps, the long line moved
    silently on, the left still resting on the road, till Pegram's
    battery, dashing forward at a run unlimbered in front, and
    opened fire on the enemy's works.

    Then for the first time that morning our boys gave a loud
    yelling of defiance, and quickening their pace to a
    double-quick, pressed with a determination not to be resisted
    right upon the enemy's two works, which were taken with scarcely
    a moment's delay, the one on the south of the road, by the left
    of the 24th, led by Colonel Clarke and the one on the right by
    the right of the 24th, assisted by the 25th. The enemy fled in
    terror to the houses, Fort Williams, and any other place which
    suffered them protection from the fierce fire of our pursuing
    ranks. We were now in the town, and the head of every street
    running east and west was held by one or more of our regiments;
    but their position in line was somewhat changed. The 24th was
    still on the Columbia road, now street, with the 56th and 25th
    to the right, and the 35th and 8th to the left. Halting a moment
    to breathe the men and dress the lines, we pushed slowly and
    carefully forward, clearing the enemy from every street, yard,
    and house, from the windows of which and from behind the fences
    they poured an incessant fire. But nothing could check our
    progress and in an hour the enemy were all driven into Fort
    Williams or the entrenched camp. The fort was on our left and
    the camp in front. Leaving the 35th, the 8th, and a portion of
    the 24th, to contend with the fort, the rest pushed on for the
    camp, which the 24th being on the direct road soon reached and
    opened fire, exposed still to a severe musketry fire from the
    fort on the flank and the camp in front. In a few minutes the
    56th came up on the right by another street, and by their
    arrival decided the contest, for immediately on the appearance
    of this additional force the enemy threw down his arms, and
    raised the white flag. Captain Lockheart, of the 56th, ran in to
    receive the surrender, and instantly both regiments poured into
    the camp, and throwing down their own foul guns and empty
    cartridge boxes, took the clean, well-filled ones, which were
    lying about, and pressed on through the tents to the western
    side of the camp, where they could see the United States flag
    floating over Fort Williams, evidence that the fighting was not
    yet done. Here we were shortly joined by the 43d North Carolina
    of Hoke's brigade, who came in from the west, having been
    delayed by a morass, which they had great difficulty in
    crossing.

    _The Town in our own hands._ The town was ours. Every house and
    street in it was swept of the enemy, who shut up in his
    stronghold, still refused to surrender. This was a case for the
    artillerist and the guns of the captured forts were soon turned
    upon their stronger brother, fighting as the result shows,
    better for us than they had against us. Captain Cooke too of the
    Albemarle dropped some of his 90 pound shell among them. Still
    they resisted stoutly, showing a disposition to die rather than
    to yield. At last, however, some of our boys creeping forward
    through the entrenchments, got an enfilading fire upon them,
    which soon brought them to terms, and hundreds of them rushed
    out of the fort without arms and surrendered. Just at this
    moment a shell burst directly on the magazine, and when the
    smoke cleared away the hated flag was fluttering rapidly down to
    the ground. Without waiting for orders, the brigade swarmed into
    the fort, Company B, of the 24th, leading, and the color of
    everything was quickly changed from blue to grey."

From the _Examiner_, April 22d:

    "The details of the affair at Plymouth are not yet fully
    ascertained. It is safe, however, to pronounce it one of the
    most brilliant affairs of the war. Its immediate fruits are
    important. Those which may ultimately flow from it, the
    possession of an abundant country, and the possible command of
    the inland waters of North Carolina, though as yet the subject
    of uncertain speculation, may well excite high hopes for the
    future. General Hoke, judging from the large number of his
    prisoners, does not seem to have made such thorough work as that
    by which Forrest has so shocked the tender souls and frozen the
    warm blood of the Yankees. The resistance he encountered was
    probably not as desperate, and the blood of the victors not so
    heated; though in a fortification carried by storm the loss of
    the garrison must inevitably be large. The strict laws of
    civilized warfare acknowledge the power of the victors to put
    all to the sword in such cases. However severe such an example
    might seem it would strike a salutary terror into the Yankees,
    which would be useful to them in the end, and their melancholy
    whine, at meeting a part of the punishment their barbarities
    merit, is absurd."

From the _Examiner_, April 25th:

    "Tuesday evening a flag of truce was sent to Fort Williams,
    demanding the surrender of the enemy. The flag was taken by
    Colonel Deering and another officer; and General Wessels, the
    Yankee commander, refused to treat with them, but requested a
    conference with the General commanding. At the interview which
    ensued the Yankee commander said to General Hoke, that if he
    surrendered he would be sacrificed by his Government, and, he
    feared, would be retired from the service. "Then," replied
    General Hoke, "I understand that you are fighting for your
    commission and for no other cause. If such is your reply, I have
    only to compel your surrender, which I will do if I have to
    fight to the last man." The general assault followed Wednesday
    morning. It was made by all our forces. As our troops came
    within range of the enemy's artillery, they suffered very
    severely, as the ground in front had been surveyed and was
    staked off with target posts for artillery practice. Latham's
    battery had been placed just by one of the targets, and was
    shelled with such skill by the enemy that all his horses had
    been killed. The accounts of his casualties are deplorable, and
    we trust they may be reduced by the more exact statements, which
    will be officially given."

From the _Examiner_, April 30th:

    "_The Capture of Plymouth in the North._ The news of the fall of
    Plymouth had reached the North. Of course, after their several
    days of felicitation that "the fort would surely hold out," this
    news was sudden and unwelcome to them. The _Tribune_ announces
    it under this imposing head, in very large capitals: _Surrender
    of Plymouth. General Wessels and one thousand five hundred men
    prisoners. Our loss one hundred and fifty killed. The rebel loss
    one thousand and seven hundred killed. North Carolina troops
    taken out and shot after surrendering. All negroes in uniform
    also murdered._

           *       *       *       *       *

    It is positively affirmed that the rebels in taking possession
    of Plymouth, ordered out the North Carolina (Union) troops, who
    formed part of the garrison, and shot them; and that all negroes
    found in uniform were murdered. We presume the account is
    correct, and it only proves that what was supposed to be an
    exceptional barbarity at Fort Pillow, has been adopted as the
    deliberate policy of the rebels. As the issue is to be made it
    must be met."

From the _Examiner_, May 3d:

    (Extract from a letter on the _Victory of Plymouth_, dated
    Plymouth, N.C., April 24, 1864.)

    * * * "During Monday night Hoke's and Kemper's brigades slept on
    their arms in the position they had gained. Before day break
    next morning three regiments of Ransom's brigade and Col.
    Branch's artillery were ordered to support them, and Ransom,
    with two regiments and artillery, was again ordered to the right
    to make a demonstration. At light the enemy opened a heavy
    artillery fire upon our position, to which we replied, also
    turning their own guns from the captured fort upon them. General
    Hoke, after making a more thorough reconnoissance on Tuesday
    morning, did not attack on the left, hence returned Ransom's
    regiments to him on the right. About midday he determined to
    send Ransom's brigade, with artillery, to the right, Coneby's
    bridge a distance of four or five miles, to make a simultaneous
    demonstration with him, while he would attack from his position
    on the left with his and Kemper's brigades. Ransom reached the
    bridge about dark, threw forward his skirmishers, who found the
    enemy in strong position on the opposite side, and the bridge
    destroyed. Finding the enemy were in the rifle pits and
    stubbornly refusing to yield the position, three pieces of
    artillery, under. Captain Blount, were advanced to within three
    hundred yards of the bridge and the enemy were soon dislodged.
    Our sharpshooters again advanced and the enemy re-appeared when
    some gallant fellow of the 24th N.C. regiment plunged into the
    creek, brought back a skiff, and immediately a party of select
    men were put over in it, and ordered, at all hazards to drive
    the enemy. The pontoons were hurried to the front, one placed in
    the creek, which ferried over three or four companies that
    followed, deployed as skirmishers, and the enemy fled,
    abandoning a position of vital importance to them. The pontoons
    were soon _laid_, and the infantry consisting of the 24th N.C.,
    Col. Clark; 25th Alabama, Col. Rutledge; 56th N.C., Col. Faison;
    35th N.C., Col. Jones; and (of Clingman's brigade) the 8th N.C.,
    Col. Murchison, passed rapidly over and deployed into line at
    about a mile from the enemy's outposts, the right flank resting
    on the Roanoke, and the left on Coneby Creek. The artillery
    commanded by Col. Branch, did not cross, as the enemy could
    easily hear the crossing, and would shell furiously at the least
    noise. About twelve o'clock the troops were all in position, and
    were ordered to sleep on their arms and rest for the heavy work
    just ahead of them. The night was perfectly calm and cloudless,
    with the full moon shedding its soothing beams upon the sleeping
    veterans as they lay upon the bare ground, covered with their
    blankets in groups of two or three for warmth, as the air was
    sharp and piercing, seeming not even to dream of the morning's
    carnage. The field officers in rear of their regiments paced to
    and fro unable to rest from the heavy responsibilities that were
    crowding upon them. Along the line of the skirmishers commanded
    by "the fighting Quartermaster Durham" and the gallant
    Applewhite, the quick blaze of the rifle, like fire-flies at
    night, was the only relief from the dead calm that prevailed
    around, as the enemy's heavy guns, however, were belching forth
    shell and spherical case, firing with great accuracy. When
    Generals Hoke and Ransom separated, it was understood that as
    soon as the latter was in position, he would signalize the fact
    by a rocket, when General Hoke, with his and Kemper's brigades,
    would attack on the left, and Ransom on the right, would make an
    attack or a demonstration, as he thought best. After making a
    reconnoissance, Ransom at one o'clock in the morning
    (Wednesday), dispatched General Hoke that he was in position,
    but would defer all movements until the dawn of day, when he
    would not _demonstrate, but attack, and intended to carry the
    place by assault_, asking from General Hoke his simultaneous
    co-operation. He called together his field officers,
    communicated to them his purpose and plans, and by his
    confidence, coolness, and resource seemed to inspire them
    thoroughly with his own self-reliance. As a ruse, he determined
    to place his artillery in the rear of his infantry, and thereby
    cause the enemy to overshoot our lines, which proved a complete
    success. The moon had just gone down and the gray streaks of the
    morning were faintly visible in the east, when the signal rocket
    went up, and the line of skirmishers were ordered to advance,
    which they did handsomely, driving in the enemy easily. The
    infantry now moved forward, and the artillery, consisting of
    Blount's, Marshall's, and Lee's batteries, under Colonel Branch,
    dashed forward at a full gallop into position, and opened
    immediately upon the town and forts at about twelve hundred
    yards. The enemy had by this time concentrated a most terrific
    fire from their siege guns and field pieces. Just at this time
    General Hoke opened, with his artillery under Majors Mosely and
    Reid, a very rapid and tremendous fire, and his infantry sent up
    yell after yell as if charging. Ransom caught up the sound, and
    rising in his stirrups, from the head and right of the line, in
    a clear and ringing voice, gave the command, "Charge, boys, and
    the place is yours," and such a charge and yell no one who ever
    saw or heard it can ever forget. It baffles description. It was
    as the wildest gust of the tornado as it prostrates the forest,
    or the mad fire as it dashes through the prairies, it was a
    thunder bolt. The hail of shot, shell, canister, grape, and
    Minnie balls were not only unheeded but seemed unheard. The
    infantry and artillery fell thick and fast, but immediately the
    gaps were closed. In ten minutes the two outer forts, with eight
    guns, were captured, our infantry scaling their parapets, and
    the infantry within one hundred and fifty yards of the forts,
    horses, and limbers blown up and cannoneers shot down, and yet
    those remaining stood to their guns without shelter, confident
    of victory, and to avenge their dead. The whole command of
    officers and men, infantry and artillery, seemed enthused with
    the inspiration of certain victory. Several hundred prisoners
    were captured in these forts, which were immediately sent to the
    rear, and now began the contest for the town more than a half a
    mile in length, the enemy's infantry slowly retiring and
    stubbornly resisting our advance, Fort Williams dealing out
    grape and spherical case; their field pieces at the farther
    extremities of the broad straight streets raking them with a
    murderous fire; their infantry in the houses and cellars and
    behind fences, delivering galling charges of Minnie shot, but
    all of no avail. Our men were confident, aroused, and
    irresistible. They pressed on steadily, without halt or
    hesitation, tearing down fences, hedges, and every obstacle that
    they met, capturing the enemy at every step. Soon they were in a
    rout, and our infantry pressed through the town and waved their
    battle flags over the fortifications in front to General Hoke's
    forces, who could scarcely believe that so much could be
    accomplished in so short a time. * * Ransom's charge has not
    been surpassed at any time; his military genius comprehended the
    situation, and he was master of it. He determined upon his
    charge, knowing what pluck and dash could accomplish, and
    satisfied it was the only point of attack. With twenty-two
    hundred muskets and nine pieces of artillery, he charged the
    enemy's work which they regarded unassailable and carried them
    without a halt. His loss, which reached _five hundred in thirty
    minutes_, shows how sanguinary was the work." (Signed R.)

From the _Richmond Dispatch_, April 30th:

    _The Fall of Plymouth. A Specimen of Yankee Lying. A Sympathetic
    order for General Wessels. Negro Soldiers Butchered._ "The
    Philadelphia _Inquirer_ contains the official and other
    announcements of the fall of Plymouth. The butchery of the negro
    troops is news here, though if General Hoke had butchered the
    whole garrison in the assault, after a refusal to surrender, it
    would have been perfectly proper under the laws of war. It will
    be seen that the loss of the Confederates is put down at fifteen
    hundred!! The following is a telegram dated Fortress Monroe, the
    24th instant: The gallant garrison at Plymouth, after a
    desperate struggle with the rebel foe, who besieged them by land
    and water, with an infinitely superior force, were compelled to
    surrender, but not until they had slaughtered hundreds of the
    enemy in their attempts to storm the forts. The fight commenced
    late on Sunday afternoon, and continued until half-past ten on
    Wednesday morning, when the surrender was made. Our men fought
    with the ferocity of tigers, and they would never have yielded
    had there been anything like an equality of forces. But the
    rebels outnumbered them nearly ten to one. When the attack first
    was made the Confederates were twelve thousand strong, and
    afterwards received eight thousand more as reinforcements. Aided
    as they were by their powerful ram and gunboats, it is not at
    all surprising that they succeeded in capturing the Town of
    Plymouth."

From the New York _Herald_, April 26th, 1864:

    "_The Rebel Losses_ are, beyond the slightest doubt, immensely
    heavy. When it is considered that every fort around Plymouth was
    stormed from three to seven times, and each assault repulsed
    with great slaughter, besides pouring broadside after broadside
    into the rebel ranks from the Miami and Southfield, the
    casualties among the rebel troops must have been enormous. A
    rebel surgeon was heard to say that "the damned Yankees had
    killed and wounded one-third of their whole force, and he hoped
    that no mercy would be shown the cursed Yankees." The gunboat
    Whitehead went on a reconnoissance, on Wednesday, a short
    distance above Plymouth, and the officers and crew observed
    about three hundred rebel troops engaged in burying the dead.
    From a steeple on the town church, overlooking a large tract of
    land, it was found that the field of Asa Johnson (about sixty
    acres), was completely filled with dead and dying rebels. The
    entire rebel force could not have been short of from fifteen to
    twenty thousand men, of whom one-third are unfit for future
    service.

    _The Fort Pillow Massacre Re-enacted._ My informant also
    acquainted me with the fact that all the negroes found after the
    surrender, were stripped of their clothing and brutally murdered
    in cold blood. It must be understood that General Wessels had no
    colored troops at Plymouth, save a few recruits for North
    Carolina regiments, and the poor unfortunate blacks thus
    butchered were merely laborers for the government. The negroes
    were formed into line, in a nude state, and fired at by the
    brutal soldiery, purporting to represent Southern chivalry.
    Nature revolts at these facts; and the plan apparently adopted
    by the Rebels for the future disposition of the negroes is
    emancipation _from_, and not _for_, life."




CHAPTER VII.

1864.

PRISON LIFE OF THE OFFICERS.


I shall not in this chapter pretend to give a complete history of
Prison Life in the South, only a part. As I look back over the great
mass of events that were continually occurring during all hours of the
day and night of less than one year, I give up in despair. The inhuman
treatment, and fearful atrocities of our brutal keepers are
heart-rending, and I can poorly illustrate them. Language is unable to
describe the real condition of affairs in southern prisons. No one can
present in its true light the fearful suffering experienced in them.
Others have contributed sketches for the dark picture. I shall
therefore be very brief.

By noon of the 20th of April, the entire garrison of Plymouth was in
the hands of the rebels, and all the captured were concentrated on the
Washington road. During the afternoon, the rebel cavalry scoured the
woods and shot dead every colored soldier and man that was able to
bear arms. The number murdered in this way must have been in the
neighborhood of one hundred.

We went to sleep that night feeling very gloomy, tired, and hungry,
most of us having had nothing to eat during the day. It was nothing
new to us to sleep on the ground without anything over us, for we
were quite used to that, but we could easily see what we were to
expect from the hands of the rebels, and many were thinking of home
and how anxious our friends would be to hear of our fate, whether
killed in the battle or captured; and if captured, _worse_ than
killed. The next day we had twenty-five hard crackers and on an
average about ten ounces of raw salt pork issued to us. This had to
last us till the morning of the 26th, making five days, thus making
five crackers and two ounces of pork per day. On this we had to live
and during the day make quite long marches.

Colonel Beach, Lieutenant Colonel Burnham, Major Pasco, Quartermaster
Robins, Surgeon Mayer, Assistant Surgeon Nickerson, and Captain Burke,
together with the wounded men, remained at Plymouth. About noon of the
21st we took up our line of march, halting about nine in the evening,
making a distance of thirteen miles. We marched more or less every day
until the noon of the 25th, when we arrived at Tarboro, having passed
through the villages of Foster's Mill, Jamesville, Williamston, and
Hamilton. Crowds of women and children lined the roadside eager to get
a glimpse of the "Yankees," some hissing and insulting us in various
ways. On the 23d, the 11th Virginia guarded us, and we learned that
the same regiment fought against us on the Edenton road at Suffolk a
year before. By the time we reached Tarboro, we were nearly starved,
having been out of rations from twelve to thirty-six hours. At noon,
some bacon and corn-bread were issued to the officers, and to the
enlisted men in addition some peas which were by long cooking
softened sufficiently to be eaten. At one o'clock, April 26th, all the
officers and the 85th New York went aboard the cars and were on their
way to the famous prison pens of the South, thus separating the
officers from the enlisted men--only a few of whom lived to meet again
at New Berne a year after. Traveling all night in crowded cars, we
arrived at Wilmington at daybreak, where we crossed the river by ferry
boats, and again taking cars we arrived at Florence, South Carolina,
at 10 P.M.

Here we again changed trains, being packed by fifties in box cars.
This was a miserable night, as we were packed so closely that we could
neither lie down nor sit. Some had to stand up, and those farthest
from the door nearly suffocated. Leaving Florence in the morning we
arrived at Charleston at 10 P.M. Here another change of cars
was made, sixty being packed in each car, and we remained there all
night. The next morning some hard-tack and good bacon were issued.
Leaving Charleston at seven in the morning we arrived at Savannah at
two P.M. Here more rations were issued and another change of
cars was made. We finally arrived at Andersonville at 2-½ o'clock
the next afternoon. Having marched us to a position, where we could
obtain a view of the famous pen, Capt. Wirz soon appeared on a horse,
making such a comical appearance that we laughed outright. "You Got
damn Yanks, you vont laugh when you get in dat Bull Pen," were his
first words of greeting. Having been sent to Andersonville by mistake
we were not allowed to go in to the Bull Pen, but were marched to a
school house or church, where we staid until the next day. Being
Sunday, Chaplain Dixon gave us a short sermon from Psalms 37th, which
was very appropriate and suitable under the peculiar circumstances in
which we were then placed. At half past nine in the forenoon we were
placed aboard the cars again, and went to Macon.


CAMP OGLETHORPE, MACON.

Here we went into Camp Oglethorpe, one hundred and ten in number,
being all the officers captured at Plymouth, and going under the title
of "Plymouth Pilgrims." General Howell Cobb soon rode up on his
charger with a bran new saddle and bridle, and introduced himself by
saying, "that we were just the fellows he wanted to see." "Why don't
you go to the front then," replied Adjutant Clapp. This rather
astounded the old gentleman. At this camp one day, Adjutant Clapp was
having his haircut and accidently the barber nicked his ear a little.
A lady who was at the time passing around the camp noticed it, and the
next day sent a little brother into the camp to sell pies, and in the
bottom of the basket was a book with a note directed to the soldier
with the cut ear, and stating that she was from the north and
sympathized with our misfortune. For good reasons I withhold her name,
but she was a noble and brave girl, and afterwards risked her life in
aiding Federal officers to escape.

On the 17th of May, 900 officers from Libby arrived and were placed in
a pen which had been built a short distance from our camp, and in the
evening we were also placed there. Here we found Lieutenant-Colonel
Burnham, Major Pasco, Quartermaster Robins, and Captain Burke, who
were separated from us at Plymouth. Colonel Beach and Surgeon Mayer
had been exchanged. Prison life had now commenced in earnest with us
and we felt it deeply. We had heretofore been where we could see what
was going on around us, and had the liberty of trading with hucksters
and others. We were now cut off from the world, _in a pen_, with
little or no shelter, and under the command of the most brutal, cruel,
heartless, and inhuman men that this world produces. They were General
Winder, Major Dick Turner, and Captain Tabb. As it is not the purpose
of this history to record all the brutal acts of these men I give two
or three to illustrate what fiends we were under. When General
Stoneman made his attempt to rescue the prisoners, Winder issued an
order called No. 13, which stamps the brute with infamy beyond
redemption. In this order, which has been preserved, Winder commanded
"the officers in charge of the artillery to open their batteries,
loaded with grape-shot, as soon as the Federals approached within
seven miles, and to continue the slaughter until every prisoner was
exterminated." We had at this time six cannon bearing on us. "Was the
prison mined," said Colonel Farnsworth to Turner, the jailor of Libby
Prison, "when General Kilpatrick approached Richmond to attempt the
rescue of the prisoners?" "Yes, and I would have blown you all to
Hades before I would have suffered you to be rescued." Major Turner
himself gave the prisoners to understand that if any more attempts
were made for their rescue, the prison would be blown to atoms. The
following atrocious order from rebel headquarters was afterwards
issued. "Any soldier killing a Federal soldier, approaching the dead
line, shall receive a furlough of sixty days; while for wounding one,
he shall receive a furlough for thirty days." Under this order many
were shot, who had no intentions of escaping. On May 29th,
Assistant-Surgeon Nickerson was brought into prison. On June 10th,
fifty of the officers, (Lieutenant-Colonel Burnham being one of the
number,) were taken to Charleston and placed under the fire of the
Union batteries on Morris Island.

We had religious services very regularly and they were well attended
after the rebels found out that we would have them, cost what they
would. I think it was the second service that we had, and on Sunday
evening, for during the day word came to the commandant of the prison,
Captain Tabb, that "the prisoners were praying for Abraham Lincoln,
Grant, and Sherman." Services had commenced in the evening and the
congregation were singing the first hymn, when in came Captain Tabb
accompanied by the officer of the day. They at once inquired who had
charge of the meeting, and being informed that it was Chaplain White,
came up to him, and, entering into conversation, told him "he (Captain
Tabb) could not allow any praying in there for the President of the
United States." Meanwhile the hymn was concluded, when Chaplain Dixon,
of the 16th, knowing what was up, at once stepped forward and began to
pray, asking God to bless all in authority, especially the President
of the United States, his cabinet and Congress, and all his advisers,
also that he would bless General Grant and his glorious army; that he
might be successful in capturing Richmond, the capital and stronghold
of the rebellion; that he would also bless Sherman, spare his life,
give him wisdom to carry out his plans, that his army might be a
victorious one all through its campaign; that treason might be
crushed, and traitors punished; that the time might speedily come when
our dear old flag should wave over every village, town, and city of
the United States, and we enjoy peace again. When the prayer was
finished Captain Tabb withdrew from the crowd saying, "d----n smart
prayer, but I don't believe it will amount to anything."

Many attempts to escape were planned, but few were successful. Major
Pasco was caught tunneling, and the officer in command ordered him to
fill up the tunnel. A revolver was held menacingly at his breast; but
he resolutely refused. He was taken from prison and threatened with
hanging, but was finally recommitted. On the 4th of July, the rebels
gave us four roll-calls in the morning. An officer hoisted a small
United States flag, which we all cheered lustily, much to the chagrin
of the rebel guards. Then another sang the Star-Spangled Banner and we
cheered that. Afterwards, without any preconcerted arrangement, we
went into a large building, and held a meeting. Chaplain Dixon made
one of the most patriotic prayers we ever heard. Then earnest,
off-hand speeches were made, filled with a determination to persevere
until the Rebellion should be crushed. Lieutenant-Colonel Thorp, 1st
N.Y. Dragoons, was particularly defiant, and the audience showed their
appreciation of it by frequent and prolonged applause. Of course such
proceedings could not be tolerated by our rebel commandant, and he
sent in his officer of the day to break up the meeting. The crowd
quietly dispersed, after giving three rousing cheers each for
President Lincoln and the little flag, the Proclamation, Grant, and
Sherman. To us it was a very satisfactory celebration. In the course
of the afternoon the following order was posted on the bulletin-board:


                    SPECIAL ORDERS NO. 6.

                                           C.S. MILITARY PRISON, }
                                     MACON, GA., July 4th, 1864, }

    "I. Lieutenant-Colonel Thorp is relieved from duty as senior
    officer of prisoners for a violation of prison rules, and
    Lieutenant-Colonel McCrary will again assume that position.

    "II. The same order and quiet will be observed on this day as on
    any other.

    "III. A disregard of this order may subject offenders to
    unpleasant consequences.

                              "GEO. C. GIBBS, Captain Commanding."

After the meeting was over, Colonel Thorp was called out to
headquarters, when the following conversation took place between
Captain Gibbs and himself:

_G._--"What's your name?"

_Col._--"T.J. Thorp."

_G._--"Were you addressing the officers in the prison?"

_Col._--"I was."

_G._--"What did you mean by it?"

_Col._--"It was the desire of the officers that I should address them,
_which I did_, as is the custom in our country on the 4th of July."

_G._--"_Sir_, I shall put you in _irons_, and send you to jail."

_Col._--"Very well, you can do so; but such treatment will not
ameliorate my feelings toward you or the Confederacy in the least. We
deem it not only a privilege, but a duty, to commemorate the 4th of
July as the birth-day of a great nation, for whose defense and
perpetuity we are willing to _suffer_, and _die_, if need be."

At this the Captain commuted his verdict to solitary confinement in
jail _without irons_; but, before the guard arrived, the order was
entirely revoked, and Colonel Thorp was sent back inside the stockade,
with threats of summary treatment if he persisted in addressing the
officers again on _any subject_.


SAVANNAH--CHARLESTON.

On July 28th, the first division of prisoners went to Charleston. This
took of the 16th, Major Pasco, Quartermaster Robins, Captains Morse,
Robinson, Burke, Hintz, and Lieutenant Bruns. The next day 600 more
left for Savannah. In this squad all the remaining officers of the
16th went, they being Chaplain Dixon, Adjutant Clapp, Captain Turner,
Lieutenants A.G. Case, Bowers, Strong, Andrus, Miller, Waters, Landon,
and Blakeslee. On our way we busied ourselves by pitching the guards
out of the cars when under full headway. Arriving at Savannah we were
received by a large delegation of citizens, who were greatly
interested, and wondered where our horns and tails were. Great was
their surprise that we did not look different from their soldiers. The
crowd was very great, and the police, aided by the city militia,
could hardly clear the way for us to march through the streets. The
officer in charge also was greatly confused, and gave so many wrong
orders that it was a long time before we were able to march to the old
United States Marine Hospital. We were confined in the yard surrounded
on three sides by a brick wall eight feet high. While at this prison
Lieutenant John M. Waters was taken sick with bilious fever. After a
sickness of two weeks he was taken into the hospital on August 17th,
dying the next day at 11 A.M. On the 19th, Chaplain Dixon was allowed
to go out and perform the last duty of respect to our comrade in the
presence of the Commander of the prison, Officer of the Day, Officer
of the Guard, two Lieutenants, and four privates. Lieutenant Waters
was very genial and, until his sickness, had kept up good courage. On
September 2d, the Chaplains and Surgeons were sent to Charleston to be
exchanged. This took Chaplain Dixon and Assistant Surgeon Nickerson of
the 16th.

At an early hour on the morning of September 13th, we left Savannah
and went to Charleston, where we were enthusiastically received and
thrown into the yard of the jail. We here found Edward Woodford of
Company I, who gave us some of the casualties of the enlisted men at
Andersonville. He reported that the regiment stood it better than the
other regiments who were captured at Plymouth, but already sixty had
died. Two days after our arrival, Major Pasco, who was on parole at
Roper hospital, (together with the balance of the 16th officers who
left Macon in the first division, July 28th,) visited us, and through
his efforts three days after, we joined him at Roper Hospital, by
signing the following parole.


                                   CHARLESTON, S.C., C.S. AMERICA,
                                                  SEPTEMBER, 1864.

    "We, the undersigned, prisoners of war, confined in the city of
    Charleston, in the Confederate States of America, do pledge our
    parole individually as military men and men of honor, that we
    will not attempt to pass the lines which shall be established
    and guarded around our prison house; nor will we, by letter,
    word, or sign, hold any intercourse with parties beyond those
    lines, nor with those who may visit us, without authority. It is
    understood by us, that this parole is voluntary on our part, and
    given in consideration of privileges secured to us, by lessening
    the stringency of the guard, of free ingress and egress of the
    house and appointed grounds during the day, by which we secure a
    liberty of fresh air and exercise, grateful to comfort and
    health.

    "Hereby we admit that this, our parole, binds us in letter and
    spirit, with no room for doubts or technicality of construction,
    and its violation will be an act of lasting disgrace. Signed:"

_The firing upon the city_ was continued daily notwithstanding our
being brought here and placed under fire of our own batteries as a
means of saving the besieged city. Cheer after cheer went up as we
heard the missiles crash through adjacent buildings.

On September 17th, at 1 P.M., a fire broke out near us. General Foster
immediately opened on the place, the fourth shell bursting in a
dwelling house near by, setting that also on fire. So accurate were
Gilmore's guns aimed that two shells burst in the burning buildings;
and the negroes told us that one struck an engine, entirely destroying
it, and killing several firemen. One shell struck our wall, tearing it
nearly down. Several pieces of shell came into the yard where we were,
but no one was injured. One of our officers in Roper Hospital was
wounded in the arm by a piece of shell that came through the roof
while he was eating dinner, making a flesh wound, smashing up the
table, and passing on through the floor. In the evening we often
watched the shells coming, and it was a beautiful sight. We first
caught the flash of our guns; then, after waiting a few seconds, we
could see the missile, which looked like a shooting star, climbing up
higher and higher; and, when it reached its full hight, we could hear
the report of the guns that sent it; by this time the shell was so
near, that we could hear its sharp, shrill shriek; then it gradually
descended, and approached until it was right over our heads, when it
burst, most of the pieces going beyond us. The report of the explosion
then reached us, as we heard the fragments rattle among the brick
walls, or crash fearfully through the wooden tenements. Shells from
Gilmore's batteries on Morris Island were continually making sad havoc
in the city, killing and wounding from one to eight persons daily, and
going through entire blocks. Sometimes a single percussion shell would
blow up an entire building.

On October 2d, Major Pasco received a letter from Lieutenant Colonel
Burnham, stating that he was once more a prisoner of war and confined
at Wilmington. This was news that very much surprised us. It seems
that after being exchanged at Charleston, he had been home and had got
newly fitted out, and was on his way to the regiment. At this time Co.
"H" and a few others of the regiment which had been gathered from
different points were stationed at Roanoke Island, and this composed
the 16th Connecticut Volunteers, on the Union side of the lines.
Lieutenant Colonel Burnham took the steamer "Fawn" at Norfolk, and
while passing Coinjock, on the Albemarle and Chesapeake canal, they
were fired into by guerrillas, who lay concealed near the shore. One
was killed outright and several wounded. The remainder were taken
prisoners, and the steamer was burned. The prisoners were marched to
Elizabeth City, and turned over to the rebel authorities. Colonel
Burnham was soon after again paroled.


COLUMBIA.

On October 5th, we went to Columbia. Captains Morse, Burke, and
Robinson escaped by jumping from the train, but were recaptured on the
11th, and rejoined us next day at Camp Sorghum.

That we might get wood the commandant allowed a certain number to be
paroled each day. Their names were written on a piece of paper, handed
to the officer of the day, who instructed the guard to pass them in
and out at their pleasure till night. On the 3d of November, Captains
Robinson, Dickerson, and Burke, took advantage of this, and
successfully escaped, an account of which has been written by Captain
Dickerson as follows:

"Upon the evening of the 3d of November, 1864, a large number of
officers were paroled for the purpose of bringing wood for cooking and
building purposes. Three of us,--Captains Burke, Robinson, and
myself--finished getting wood, saw our paroles destroyed, returned to
camp, and, after a short time, recrossed the guard-line, and,
unsuspected, made our way to the woods. We kept slowly through the
woods, until we were safely beyond the reach of the rebels. Night
coming on, we traveled through the fields and woods, until we struck a
road which ran parallel with the Congaree River; and traveled
southward about twelve miles. We then left the public road, and
traveled through the woods, toward the river, which was about eight
miles distant. Upon the afternoon of the 4th, we fell in with five
other of our escaped prisoners from the same camp, who escaped two
nights previous to ourselves by bribing the guard. They had been in
the swamp two days, and had made an arrangement with the negroes for
provisions, and information where two boats could be found. We joined
our parties, and in the evening the negroes met us, and furnished us
with the promised necessaries. Proceeding to the river, which was
about two miles distant, we found the boats which accommodated all of
us. At about eleven o'clock, all things being ready we embarked in our
boats, and paddled down the river. Early in the morning, we landed,
having secured a hiding-place for our boats and ourselves, and devoted
the day to cooking and sleep. Darkness again found us upon the river;
and we soon passed the bridge of the South Carolina railroad, which
was guarded by sentries; paddled all night; and again secured
ourselves for the day.

"While engaged, some in cooking, others in sleep, our attention was
attracted by loud talking; and soon we discovered a boat below us,
upon the river, being poled up the river by negroes. One of our party
posted himself upon the bank of the river, where he could hail the
boat without discovering the presence of the rest of the party, and,
hailing the negro in charge of the boat, informed him that he was in
want of provisions. The negro replied that he had no time to stop, and
persisted in keeping on his course. When all entreaty failed, the
captain told him he was a 'Yankee' officer, escaped from rebel prison,
making his way north and needed provisions, and information regarding
obstructions in the river. The negro no sooner learned his true
character than he immediately landed, secured his boat, staid with us
all day, cooking rations, and giving very valuable information. He
claimed in return for his service, a sight of the rest of the party,
whom he had instinctive shrewdness to know were concealed close by.
Night again found us upon the river; and after a few hours' sail we
landed at a farm, of which we had been informed by the negroes, where
we succeeded in capturing a goat, which supplied us with meat to our
journey's end.

"Monday and Tuesday nights nothing occurred to delay our progress
toward the desired goal. Wednesday evening, we had been going down the
river but a short time, when we reached a ferry, where we made the
acquaintance of four negroes, who furnished us with a large quantity
of sweet-potatoes, salt, and meat. Upon parting with them, they bade
us God-speed and a safe journey. Elated and happy with our success, we
kept steadily forward; and soon after we landed to again consult the
negroes, who told us we were but five miles from a battery, mounting
two pieces, upon the right bank of the river, guarded by rebel
soldiers. After receiving other information and provisions, we parted
company with the last of our negro friends, and proceeded down the
river, passed the battery in safety, and, landing, waited for the
darkness of the night to finish our journey to the coast. Thursday
night, full of hope, we again took to our boats, and meeting no
interference, reached the coast safely.

"The light of Friday morning, November 11th, revealed to us the spars
of a ship, which we soon made out to be one of the United States
blockade. It was the Canandaigua, Captain Harrison; and after sundry
attempts we succeeded in getting safe on board, under the protection
of the star-spangled banner. We came north on the Fulton."

Of the many devices for escape, all were not as successful as the
above, as our major will testify.

Major Pasco had become possessed of two gold dollars which had been
sent him in cans of solidified milk from the north. He had bribed a
guard to permit Captains Morse, Turner, and himself, to pass out that
evening between the hours of eight and ten, for the two gold dollars
and a jack knife. At the appointed time, and all three officers being
ready, they approached the dead line, and Captain Morse going first
gave the booty to the guard who allowed him to pass and also Captain
Turner. At this point an officer who was lying on the ground and
trying to escape on his own hook in another manner, jumped up and
passed out. The guard had passed out three according to agreement.
Major Pasco came along and was halted by the guard, and the following
conversation took place:

Major. You agreed to pass out three of us.

Guard. Well I have let out three. You must go back.

Major. That last man you let pass didn't belong to my party.

Guard. Can't help it, I have let out three and you must go back.

The Major undertook to explain matters, but the sentinels along the
line commenced to fire at him and he beat a hasty retreat into camp,
where he dreamed all night of the officer who euchred him out of an
escape.

But the Major was not to be foiled out of a successful escape. He made
a second attempt to reach the Union lines by writing out a false sick
certificate to pass to the hospital, but he was recaptured after seven
days absence. The third time he succeeded. Shortly after the train
left Columbia, while we were going to Charlotte, N.C., he jumped off
the train and was overtaken by Sherman's army. Lieutenant Bruns also
escaped from this prison, but was recaptured and brought back after an
absence of ten days. Captains Morse and Turner were returned to
prison, having been absent a month. There were so many escapes from
this prison that on the 12th of December, the rebels marched us into
the city and confined us in the yard of the Insane Asylum with a brick
wall around it eight or ten feet high, and eighteen inches thick.


CHARLOTTE, RALEIGH, GOLDSBORO, WILMINGTON.

The month of February was full of rumors in regard to our exchange,
but it was an old story to us given out to prevent our trying to
escape. On the 14th and 15th we were moved to Charlotte. General
Sherman had by this time arrived within two miles of the city and was
posting his artillery on the hill, (Camp Sorghum[3]) where we had been
imprisoned a few weeks before.

As the train started. General Sherman opened his batteries on the
city. Lieutenant Landon and a party of sixteen had managed to hide
themselves between the rafters under the floor of the second story of
the Hospital building, where they stayed with little or no food for
forty-eight hours and fell into the hands of Sherman. Major Pasco,
Captains Morse and Turner, who jumped from the first train that left
Columbia, secreted themselves in the woods and General Sherman
overtook them on his way north. The remaining officers of the 16th
were sent to Charlotte with the rest of the prisoners, arriving there
on the evening of the 16th, having been delayed some hours at a point
40 miles from Columbia by running into a drove of cattle which the
rebels were driving ahead of Sherman's course. The engine, tender, and
one car was thrown from the track, killing three beef creatures. This
was issued to us, being the first meat of any kind that we had tasted
for four months and ten days.

Disembarking from the cars on the morning of the 17th, we marched
three-quarters of a mile to a little pine grove, which we called Camp
Necessity or Camp Bacon, by reason of some bacon having been
issued,--the only meat rations for over four months. The fact that we
were soon to be exchanged was now confirmed by the rebels taking off
part of the guard and allowing them to use unloaded muskets. Still[4]
"old fish" turned away and would not believe it, and a good many
escaped, as it was a very easy matter. Captain Hintz and Lieutenant
Bruns immediately left, and Lieutenant Johnson with Lieutenant Eli P.
Alexander, (Co. H. 26th Mich.,) went out about noon, and nothing has
ever been heard from them. It is supposed that they were murdered by
guerrillas. On the 20th, we signed a parole not to serve against the
Confederate States until regularly exchanged, and that evening we left
for Raleigh, where we stayed a few days and thence proceeded to
Goldsboro, where we were quartered in the Court House. On the 27th we
signed the following parole.

    We, the undersigned, prisoners of war, do give our Parole of
    Honor, that we will not take up arms again, nor serve as
    Military Police or Constabulary force in any fort, garrison, or
    fieldwork, nor as guards of prisoners, depots or stores, nor to
    discharge any duty usually performed by soldiers: until
    exchanged under the provisions of the cartel entered into July
    22d, 1862.

About six o'clock in the evening of the 28th, we left Goldsboro by
cars crowded both in and outside, amid cheers and songs, bound for
Wilmington, which was now in our possession. Riding all night,
daylight found us standing on the track at Rocky Point, a few miles
from Northeast Bridge, and fourteen miles from Wilmington. This was
the picket line and out-post of the rebels. At nine o'clock Colonel
Hatch on a special train arrived and proceeded ahead with a flag of
truce on the engine. We soon started and reached neutral ground about
ten o'clock. About a mile past Marlboro, we came in sight of the "Boys
in Blue." Three cheers were immediately given. As the train came to a
stand still, all were silent, and we quietly disembarked and were
counted through the ranks of twenty Union soldiers, they presenting
arms. As soon as we were able clearly to comprehend that there was not
somebody at our side with a loaded musket, cheer upon cheer was given,
caps were thrown high in the air, some were hugging and kissing each
other, and others cried. Whilst some sang, others were laughing and
rolling on the ground. Finally our old pans, kettles, bags of meal,
and bundles of all sorts were flung high in the air. Cheer upon cheer
was given for Lincoln, Grant, Sherman, and _General Exchange_. Some
hugged the horse of a Colonel, who seemed to have command over us, but
tried in vain to get us into line. Taking up the line of march, a mile
brought us to Cape Fear River, and in sight of the United States flag.
Cheer after cheer ran the whole length of the line. The 6th
Connecticut was encamped on the bank of the river, and at the end of
the pontoon bridge which we had to cross, they had erected a handsome
arbor decked with flags. In the center of the arch, surrounded with a
wreath of evergreens, were the words

                    "WELCOME, BROTHERS."

A band was placed here, and played "Hail to the Chief who in Triumph
Advances." Some few cheered but more were moved to tears, and kissed
that dear old flag which they had so long suffered for, and all
marched under with uncovered heads. Arriving at the top of the hill,
we found the whole division of troops in line to receive us. On
reaching camp we partook of a breakfast of United States rations, the
first full meal which we had had for a long time. At noon those that
were able walked to Wilmington, a distance of nine miles. We were here
met by officers who provided us with another meal, and then we were
quartered in churches and private residences. The next day (March 2d,)
we took the steamer "General Sedgwick" for Annapolis, Md., where we
remained a week, receiving two months pay and a leave of absence for
30 days, at the end of which time we were to report at Camp Parole,
Annapolis, Md.

Extracts from a statement made in 1867 by Lieut. B.F. Blakeslee, to a
"Congressional Committee on the Treatment of Prisoners of War and
Union Citizens;" John P.C. Shanks of Indiana, Chairman.

    At Macon, for quarters we had merely a roof which sheltered us
    from rain; but no protection from the cold damp nights. Rations
    consisted per diem of a pint to a pint and a half of corn-meal;
    from poor to fair in quality, and occasionally in lieu thereof
    baked corn-bread from one to two inches thick, three inches long
    and three inches in width, containing a large quantity of water
    and very hard; rice half a tea-cupful, or in lieu thereof the
    same quantity of beans; salt, a teaspoonful; bacon, from three
    to four ounces; invariably decayed and maggoty, with only two
    exceptions, two issues of soap were made and that was the end of
    trying to keep clean; meat of any kind except the bacon above
    mentioned we never saw. No cooking utensils were issued. The
    rations of wood were not sufficient to do our cooking. From the
    11th to the 18th of July, none whatever was issued, and rations
    had to be eaten raw.

    This caused much hunger, suffering, and misery, as the beans and
    rice could not be eaten. The quality of the water in this prison
    was good and usually plenty, though some days the supply was
    short. Our treatment here was generally bad. The length of
    confinement was three months.

    At Savannah we were better treated in every respect than in any
    other prison, provided with tents, and cooking utensils, and a
    good supply of rations of good quality. Fresh beef was issued
    nearly every day. The water though, was very poor; having a
    fetid smell, and unpleasant taste, and could only be used for
    drinking purposes by filtering through charcoal; or burnt rice
    or meal steeped in it. The length of confinement was six weeks.

    At Charleston Jail Yard, only a part were provided with shelter;
    and in rainy weather the yard was flooded with water, so we
    could neither lie down nor do any cooking. In pleasant weather,
    it was as hot as an oven. Little or no fresh air could come
    within those walls which were twelve feet high, and in addition
    surrounded by buildings. When there was a breeze, there were
    whirlwinds of dust which would almost suffocate us. The water
    was very poor, making a great many sick. The rations consisted
    of small quantities of corn-meal and rice, and one ounce of
    bacon per day; but after a week or so the bacon was dispensed
    with. There were no utensils for cooking, and but little salt
    was issued. In addition to our deplorable condition we were
    under fire from Gilmore's batteries, whose shells were
    continually bursting around us, occasionally coming amongst us
    and twice tearing the wall away. On one occasion for sixty hours
    we had not a morsel to eat.

    At Roper Hospital Prison, in Charleston, our exact rations were
    for ten days, two and a third quarts of corn-meal, two quarts of
    rice, three pints of black beans (including bugs,) and four
    ounces (daily) of fresh beef, or in lieu thereof, two ounces of
    bacon. No cooking utensils were to be had. We certainly should
    have starved to death here, had it not been for an arrangement
    made for obtaining money which enabled us to purchase food of
    the citizens. The authorities gave us Confederate money in
    exchange for our drafts (in gold) on the North.

    At Columbia we were turned into an open field like a drove of
    cattle to pass the winter months, without any shelter whatever,
    neither cooking utensils, axes, spades or anything were issued
    that would enable us to make ourselves comfortable. With scanty
    clothing, but few blankets, some without shoes, we were left
    here to pass the winter as best we could. Rations consisted of
    corn-meal and rice. Twelve days rations of rice made one meal.
    Salt was issued in small quantities, and for four consecutive
    days we had none at all. On September 26th and 27th, we had
    nothing to eat. One or two issues of flour were made, but no
    meat of any kind was provided.

    While on our way to Charlotte, the train ran into a drove of
    cattle, killing three, which were issued to us, making the only
    meat rations we had had for four months and ten days. At Raleigh
    we met several trains loaded with enlisted men going north to be
    paroled. Nearly all were sick and very dirty and black; no soap
    having been issued to them for six months. Nineteen out of one
    train had died since leaving Salisbury, a distance of 132 miles,
    mostly of starvation, though some who were on the top of the
    cars were frozen to death. On Monday morning they had half a
    loaf of bread, weighing not over five ounces issued to them,
    since which time the rebels had issued _not a particle of food_.
    It was then Thursday noon. How soon thereafter rations were
    issued to them I am unable to state.


FOOTNOTES:

  [3] So named, because that was the principal ration we received
  while there.

  [4] The first six months of prison life one is called a "fresh
  fish," the next four months a "sucker," the next two a "dry cod,"
  and the balance of his time a "dried herring," or "old fish."
  After exchange he becomes a "pickled sardine."

  As soon as a new prisoner made his appearance at the gate, the cry
  of "fresh-fish," by each one ran through the prison, and a general
  rush was made for the gate. An eager group surrounded him, and
  while some would be seriously asking questions concerning his
  capture and listening to his pitiful story others would call out
  "Take your hands out of his haversack;" "Give him air;" "Keep that
  louse off him;" "Don't take his clothes;" etc. All this affected
  them strangely at first, and produced a hearty laugh for us.




CHAPTER VIII.

PRISON LIFE OF THE ENLISTED MEN.


It is to the credit of the rebel soldiers whose good fortune it was to
capture our command, that we were treated with considerable courtesy
and kindness while in their power. Our men were allowed to retain
their blankets and overcoats, and all little articles of value which
they might have upon their persons. Many of the men had about them
large sums of money which they were allowed to keep. From Plymouth,
the long and wearisome march made to Tarboro (an account of which is
given in the preceding chapter,) together with scanty rations and
exposure, told severely on the men, and many were sick and feeble; and
it was with no little pleasure that, on the morning of April 29th,
they marched to the depot in the town to take cars to Camp Sumter,
where, as the rebels informed them, rations would be dealt out
plenteously. They were crowded aboard small box cars by forties, and,
in addition, six rebel guards were stationed in each car, occupying
the door. Of course under such circumstances, they were nearly
suffocated, and were pressed almost out of shape. The train started at
10 o'clock, stopping at Goldsboro, where rations were issued,
consisting of three small hard crackers and a little scrap of bacon,
to subsist on for the next twenty-four hours. Although arriving at
midnight at Wilmington, they were not allowed to get out of the
wretched cars until morning. At sunrise they were marched down to the
dock, and conveyed by ferry boats to the opposite side. Taking the
train in waiting for them, they proceeded to Charleston, arriving
there on Sunday morning, May 1st. In the afternoon they were
transferred to another train and put aboard platform cars and at a
rapid rate went to Savannah, Georgia. But before reaching there they
were overtaken by a storm and thoroughly drenched with rain. Changing
cars at Savannah, they proceeded to Macon, and thence to
Andersonville, arriving there at nine in the evening. Leaving the cars
they were marched into an open field near by, where they remained
during the night, and marched into the prison pen the next morning
under the escort of a strong guard. How each one felt as he entered
this "hell upon earth," can little be imagined. The first night ten
died near the position of the 16th. The men seemed to stand it pretty
well at first, much better than the other regiments captured at
Plymouth, and it was not until the 20th of June that the first of
their number died, Alonzo A. Bosworth, Co. D. But by the 1st of
August, some of the Sixteenth died nearly every day.

The inhuman treatment which our men experienced in Southern Prisons
has been told over and over, and is well known in history and need not
be repeated; but this history would not be complete without inserting
the following testimony of rebel barbarity taken from the diary of
Corporal Charles G. Lee, (Co. B.,) who died from exposure and lack of
food, immediately after being exchanged at Wilmington, N.C. He writes
as follows, "Again I am called to bid adieu to the passing year, but
under very different circumstances from any in which I have ever been.
During the year 1864, I have passed eight months in the most degrading
imprisonment. In that time, our inhuman captors had not furnished
shelter of any kind; and we have repeatedly been for two and three
days at a time without a morsel of food; and even that we have
received would at home have been generally thought unfit for swine. We
have not had a particle of meat for forty-two days, and but little
molasses, or any thing to take the place of it. Our rations chiefly
consist of about a pint and a half of coarse corn-meal, and half a
teaspoonful of salt daily. Now and then we receive a few beans or
sweet potatoes. Many a night have I lain awake because I was so hungry
that I could not sleep."

About the 1st of September the prisoners were removed to Charleston,
South Carolina, where they remained about four weeks, when the yellow
fever broke out and raged so fearfully among the rebel forces who
guarded the prisoners, that they were removed to Florence, where they
spent the winter months. During the latter part of December, 1864, and
the months of January and February, 1865, the men were--a few at a
time--paroled and allowed to come north, and afterwards were regularly
exchanged, thus ending the career of the Sixteenth in prison, with the
heavy loss of over fifty per cent. in deaths, in a period of a few
months. A more detailed account has been published by Sergeant Major
Robert H. Kellogg, in his "Life and Death in Rebel Prisons." Among the
number who escaped from prison, were Quartermaster Sergeant Hiram
Buckingham and Andrew J. Spring, of Company K. An order was received
for the names of all sailors at Andersonville. Sergeant Buckingham
suspecting it was for the purpose of exchange, obtained a suit of
sailor's clothes, and accordingly took the name of Johnny Sullivan, a
sailor who had died in the hospital a few months before. In about a
week after the names had been registered, the sailors were ordered out
of prison. Buckingham answering "Here," to the name of Johnny
Sullivan, passed out without detection. They went to Charleston,
thence to Richmond, and were exchanged, having been in prison just six
months.

Andrew J. Spring in some manner procured money enough to bribe a
guard, who allowed him to escape with two comrades. They were five
days in reaching the Union lines, living meanwhile on sugar-cane,
green corn, and persimmons. Traveling in the woods, they guided
themselves by the moss, which grows heaviest on the north side of the
trees, and successfully passed three lines of rebel pickets.

The shooting of prisoners who came near the "dead line," was of almost
daily occurrence; for if they were near it with no intention of
escaping, the sentinels would fire. The regiment lost one man in this
manner, William Drake of Company A, who was shot December 4th, 1864.




CHAPTER IX.

1865.

NEW BERNE,--HARTFORD, CONN.


Company "H," (Captain Barnum,) who escaped capture at Plymouth, by
being detached and sent to Roanoke Island for duty in April, 1864, was
reinforced now and then by men who had previously been detached for
special service, or were absent sick, also by a few who were exchanged
from time to time, representing every company, and this composed the
16th regiment in actual service. Captain Barnum labored with much zeal
under many difficulties, to preserve the former prestige of the
regiment. During December the regiment proceeded to Plymouth, and went
thence on an expedition to Poster's Mills, about ten miles, destroying
the mills and a large quantity of grain, and returning with various
spoils. On another occasion the regiment went to Hertford, where they
captured large quantities of cotton, tobacco, finished carriages, and
buggies, several thousand feet of lumber, several mules, and forty
contrabands. And again one bright night Captain Pomeroy with sixty men
proceeded by steamer up the Alligator river, capturing a barge and
three small sail vessels containing twenty-five hundred bushels of
shelled corn, together with the outfit of fifteen men with their mules
and carts. They were intending to take the corn to a mill near by to
be ground. The regiment also made several unimportant raids to
Columbia, Edenton, and the adjoining country, until March 4th, 1865,
when they were ordered to New Berne, N.C., where the exchanged
prisoners joined them and remained on provost duty. Most of the
officers were quartered in the houses at the corner of Craven and
Union streets. Colonel Beach having been released from Libby Prison in
May, 1864, was assigned to various duties in Washington, only once
rejoining what remained of the regiment. That was at New Berne, where
he was taken sick and soon departed on sick-leave.

Colonel Frank Beach was a graduate of West Point Academy, class '57.
He was stationed at first at Fortress Monroe, as a brevet second
lieutenant of artillery.

At a later date he was ordered to the far west with General Gibbon,
and took part in the well-known Utah expedition in 1858. The
sufferings of that campaign and the winter encampment on the prairie
were shared by him, as well as the almost unendurable _ennui_ of later
days, when Digger Indians or inimical Mormons were the only society
accessible to the small garrison.

When the war broke out Colonel Beach was post adjutant at Port McHenry
near Baltimore, and remained in that position for some time. He took
some share in McClellan's advance, and was stationed at Yorktown as an
officer of artillery. But in the summer of 1862, he was permitted, by
special order of the war department, to accept the colonelcy of the
Sixteenth Connecticut regiment which had been tendered him by Governor
Buckingham. He commanded the regiment at the battle of Antietam,
showing great personal bravery and heroism during the engagement. He
galloped hither and thither on his white horse over the field, trying
in vain to draw the men out of the desperate charge into which they
had been ordered, and sad and full of woe was his heart on the night
after the struggle, when the broken remnants of the Sixteenth gathered
around him in the rear of the battle ground. He made personal inquiry
after each of the wounded, and visited a number of them on that
evening and the following days, doing for them all that was possible.

The winter which followed made him an invalid with a disease whose
seeds had been laid in the Utah campaign. But, as he was reluctant to
leave the regiment, he accompanied it in an ambulance on the long
marches down Virginia to Fredericksburg. With him, and sharing the
same ambulance, was Colonel Griffin Stedman, the heroic commander of
the Eleventh Connecticut, still lame from Antietam wounds. They became
firm friends, and not unfrequently in those cold evenings the
ambulance would harbor a merry party, which, by the light of a
hospital lantern, and in the sight of the surrounding camp fires,
would speed the long hours by merry conversation. Major Converse,
Adjutant Barnum, (both fallen) and Dr. Mayer would bear them company.

The greater part of that winter the Colonel remained with the
regiment, but was finally forced to take sick leave. He returned to it
in the summer at Portsmouth, Va., and held command during the siege of
Suffolk, and the charge on Longstreet's army. Then he conducted it to
North Carolina, where he remained in command of a brigade, until at
Plymouth, he was taken prisoner with the regiment and all the other
troops that garrisoned this surprised out-post.

After the war Colonel Beach was for some time in command of a solitary
fort near Washington. He was soon after stationed at Washington, and
then at Fort McHenry. His old trouble having reappeared with more than
its former violence and persistency, he was placed on the retired
list, and endeavored to regain his health, but with only temporary
success. He died at New York, in the New York hotel, on Wednesday
evening, February 5th, 1873.

Colonel Beach was a gentleman of very handsome appearance and strong
masculinity of deportment. He was widely and well read, and as
thoroughly acquainted with the progress of modern philosophy and
science as with the prominent poets and writers of _belles lettres_ of
all ages. He had an elegant yet terse method of expression, and a
flashing quality of wit. But no man was of kinder heart, and in the
regular army his good nature had become proverbial. In his first
connection with the Sixteenth Connecticut Regiment under unfortunate
circumstances, many misunderstandings between him and the men gained
ground. This, as in some other regiments, was owing to the jealousy
with which the volunteer soldiers, fresh from home, regarded regular
army officers, and to the disagreeable impression the necessities of
army discipline made on them. But, a little later, and at the close of
the war, there was not a man of the regiment who was not warmly
attached to the Colonel, admired him, was proud of his bravery, his
military knowledge, bearing, and of his standing in the army. "Little
Moustache," and "Black Eye," the men used to call him among
themselves, and they made a boast of him to those of other regiments.
He was as splendidly endowed with all the qualities that make the true
and noble man, as with all those that please and captivate in society.
For years a sufferer from a harassing disease, yet few came in
personal contact with him but will regret his demise as that of a
person of fine and polished intellect, and engaging manners, and of a
great-hearted gentleman.

Surgeon Mayer who was exchanged in May, 1864, was ordered to the
Foster General Hospital at New Berne, N.C. There he remained in charge
of four wards until the latter part of September, when the Chief
Surgeon of the hospital went north, and he succeeded to the charge of
the institution. Immediately afterwards the yellow fever broke out.
Its ravages in the city of New Berne and among the garrison are a
matter of general history. There were only a few of the Sixteenth at
New Berne at the time, and most of these had been detailed as clerks
or nurses to the hospital, at Surgeon Mayer's suggestion. Jasper A.
Winslow, Company "C," who at his own request, through the Surgeon's
influence, was ordered there as clerk, took sick at once, and died in
a few days. W. Chester Case, Company "H," was doing clerk's duty and
proved very efficient at this terrible time. He held out courageously,
and kept the reports of the dying, of their places of burial, of their
possessions and accounts, until he himself was seized with the fever.
When it is considered that sometimes as many as thirty or forty died
in one day at the hospital, an idea may be formed in regard to the
difficulty and labor of keeping reports. Under Surgeon Mayer's
personal treatment Case and a few other Sixteenth men, sick at New
Berne, recovered. But at last he took sick himself. For two days it
was doubtful whether he would live. Then, some favorable symptoms
occurred, and Medical Director Hand sent him to Morehead City. After a
two weeks convalescence, he returned to New Berne, where Surgeon Rice
and Surgeon Cowgill, who had been in charge since his sickness, lay
also attacked by the fever. He took charge again and so continued
until his appointment to a different office. During the epidemic,
eighteen assistant Surgeons had shared his labors, all of whom had in
succession been attacked by the fever, which carried off nine of them.

General Palmer, in recognition of Surgeon Mayer's services, appointed
him Medical Purveyor of the district, and this office he held until
the muster out of the regiment. A complimentary order was issued to
him. His management of the hospital during the yellow fever time, and
his administration of the Medical Purveyor's department, met with
general praise.

The Doctor says: "I got out of the hospital where over five hundred
died, and had saved seventy patients above the general average; and I
got out of the Medical Purveyor's office, where I had some million
dollars worth of property to administer and was square with the United
States Government, all but fourteen pounds of nails, which I couldn't
account for; so I may consider myself fortunate. But the
Quartermaster's Department kept writing for those nails every quarter
for four or five years."

In May it was generally conceded that the war was ended, and Captains
Dickerson and Turner resigned and went home. Adjutant Clapp also
resigned while home on leave of absence, and Lieutenant Landon was
made Adjutant. June 19th, Major Pasco returned from Connecticut, with
the necessary muster rolls and papers to enable us to complete the
muster-out rolls. Then both day and night did the officers work on
discharge papers and muster-out rolls. Finally on Saturday, June 24th,
the rolls were examined and we were honorably mustered out of the
service, at 5. P.M., by Captain John D. Parker, A.C.M., Second
Massachusetts heavy artillery, the men remarking, while standing in
line, waiting patiently; "that while it did not take long to enlist,
it took a long time to get mustered out." It proved quite true; for
while we enlisted for three years, it was not supposed that we should
be out more than three or six months at the most; and many of the men
enlisted expecting to return in a short time, not one of us realizing
the hardships and sufferings we must pass through. But who of us
regrets the faithful service performed for our country. How many
around us to-day do we see who blush and say the greatest mistake they
ever made was that they did not go to the war. How many would say as
did a prominent man to me, the day we returned home; "I would give
fifty thousand dollars to have seen and been through what you have."

The regiment participated in the following

                    ENGAGEMENTS.

    _Antietam, Md._--September 17th, 1862. Loss in killed, four
    commissioned officers, 38 enlisted men; wounded, eight
    commissioned officers, 176 enlisted men; captured, 12 enlisted
    men; _Total Loss, 238._

    _Fredericksburg, Virginia._--December 12, 13, and 14, 1862. Loss
    in wounded, one enlisted man. _Total loss one._

    _Edenton Road, Suffolk, Virginia._--April 24, 1863. Loss in
    killed, one enlisted man; wounded, seven enlisted men. _Total
    loss, eight._

    _Providence Church Road, Suffolk, Virginia._--May 3, 1863. Loss
    in killed, two enlisted men; wounded, one commissioned officer,
    seven enlisted men. _Total loss, 10._

    _Plymouth, North Carolina._--April 20, 1864. Loss in killed, one
    enlisted man; wounded, one commissioned officer, 11 enlisted
    men; captured, 23 commissioned officers, 400 enlisted men.
    _Total loss 436._


CASUALTIES.

    Killed in action,                                          47
    Died of wounds,                                            45
    Died of disease,                                           73
    Died in prison,                                           177
    Shot in prison,                                             1
    Supposed shot while attempting to escape from prison,       1
    Lost at sea from burning steamship "General Lyon,"          1
    Drowned from accident,                                      1
    Drowned from collision of "Black Diamond," on Potomac
      river                                                     7
                                                              ---
    Total deaths,                                             353

    Discharged prior to muster-out of the regiment,           386
    Captured at Antietam,                                      12
    Captured at Plymouth,                                     435
    Wounded,                                                  212
    Missing,                                                   56
                                                              ---
    Total Casualties,                                        1454

    The regiment as mustered into service numbered,          1007
    Recruits,                                                  75
    Officers appointed since first muster,                      5
                                                              ---
    Total,                                                   1087

    Number returning home with the regiment,                  131

    The officers who returned were:
    Lieutenant Colonel John H. Burnham, Commanding.
    Major Henry L. Pasco.
    Surgeon Nathan Mayer.
    Quartermaster Gordon Robins, Jr.
    Adjutant Herbert Landon.
    Chaplain Charles Dixon.
    Captains C.W. Morse, Henry Hintz, Joseph H. Barnum.
    Lieutenants George A. Bowers, A.J. Case, Harmy Bruns and
    B.F. Blakeslee.

The above list of casualties is far from correct, but is as accurate
as can be obtained from the Catalogue of Connecticut Soldiers, issued
by the Adjutant General of the state, with some additions well known
by surviving members. The casualties were greater rather than less,
than the figures given above. The number given as killed, are those
who were killed outright; but it is generally believed that a greater
number died from wounds than the regiment has been credited with, for
within forty-eight hours after the battle of Antietam, nine died from
wounds; and out of the seven wounded at the fight on Providence Church
road at Suffolk, three died. It is therefore safe to say that
forty-five is too low a number of deaths out of 212 wounded. It is
also believed that more than twelve were captured at the battle of
Antietam. There is also no doubt that the regiment lost at least _two
hundred and twenty_, by death from rebel cruelties and starvation.
Eighteen can be counted who died immediately after arriving at
Wilmington and Annapolis from southern prisons.

The Sixteenth was always called an _unfortunate regiment_; for if
there was any special hardship to endure, the regiment was sure to be
called on to experience it, either by accident or otherwise. It was
our bad luck.

The list of casualties show in how many ways the men were lost. Some
of the men and two of the officers never could be accounted for.
Lieutenant George Johnson, who escaped from prison at Charlotte, has
never been heard from. It is supposed that he was shot by guerrillas,
who infested the locality in which he said he was going to reach the
Union lines. Lieut. William H. Miller was last seen at Washington on
his way to the regiment after having been exchanged. It is supposed
that he was taken sick and died in the hospital. Elbert Sutleff, Co.
K, was lost at sea by the burning of the steamship "General Lyon."
Quite a number of the men who were returning to the regiment after
captivity, were on a steamer going down the Potomac river in the night
when the boat collided with the "Black Diamond." All the passengers
jumped aboard the Diamond, which went down, and the regiment lost
seven men. Some of the saved remained in the water three or four
hours.

On Sunday, June 25th, the regiment proceeded to Morehead City, and
embarked on the steam transport "General Meigs," with the 23d
Massachusetts Regiment, and the Connecticut Brigade Band, which,
learning that we were mustered out and on our way home, had obtained
an order from General Palmer to be sent home under charge of
Lieutenant Colonel Burnham. The sea being rough we did not leave till
the next morning. We arrived at New York late on the afternoon of the
28th. Taking on some rations we proceeded to New Haven, arriving there
at an early hour in the morning. Procuring special transportation, we
reached Hartford at eight o'clock. Being a Hartford regiment, the
citizens had made extensive arrangements to welcome us, but the 18th
Connecticut had arrived that morning by boat and while their attention
was drawn towards them, the Sixteenth suddenly entered the Asylum
street depot. The news soon reached the State House Square, and the
bell was rung, and by the time the regiment was in line the Governor's
Guard, City Guard, and Colt's Band were on the "double quick," and
thousands of citizens were hurriedly approaching the depot. Many who
had seen the regiment leave for the war three years before, and now
witnessed the decimated ranks were effected to tears. Those who had
husbands, brothers, or relatives in the regiment, watched us eagerly
and looked strangely into the ranks, hardly believing that any could
be missing. One lady, the wife of an officer, was told for the first
time of her husband's death. So great was her grief, that friends who
accompanied her could hardly get her into a carriage to convey her
home.


From the Hartford Courant, June 30th, 1865.

THE SIXTEENTH.

"Everybody supposed that this gallant regiment would arrive here on
the 9.45 regular morning accommodation train from New Haven, but the
"boys" being accustomed to making surprises secured special
transportation and were in the Asylum street depot by eight o'clock.
Here they were received by the Governor's Guard, the City Guard, and
Colt's band, and escorted up High to North Main street, down Main to
State. On the march, though few in numbers, (but one hundred and
thirty enlisted men returning) their tidy and soldierly appearance was
the subject of general comment. Being a Hartford regiment there was an
unusual interest manifested to see them, and signs of welcome were
apparent on every hand. Arriving in front of the United States Hotel,
they were drawn up in line, and Governor Buckingham made a brief
speech congratulating them on their safe return and extending them
cordial greetings on behalf of the State."

Hon. Ezra Hall was then introduced, and welcomed the regiment in
behalf of the city in an eloquent manner as follows:

    _Officers and Soldiers of the Sixteenth Connecticut_: Heroes of
    many a hard-fought battle, and worthy veterans of a redeemed
    country! On a beautiful summer day in 1862, when the nation was
    in its greatest peril, and rebel powers seemed successful for a
    time in driving back the armies of the Republic, placing in
    jeopardy all our hopes and every interest of free government,
    you, more than a thousand strong and valiant men, volunteered to
    place your names upon the muster-roll among the country's
    defenders. That roll of honor will go down the centuries and in
    the far off future the lover of freedom will unroll the scroll,
    and call your names as among the heroic volunteer force who
    cemented the _Union_ of these States, and proclaimed through the
    immortal Lincoln, freedom to all mankind. It was hard to leave
    your situations, your homes, and those you loved. And a sharper
    pang would steal along your feelings as you thought the step
    might take you forever from the dear New England hills and all
    you held dear. But manfully you resolved, and the pensive
    feelings that evidenced so well your better life, while
    preparing for the decision, made you braver as you stood on the
    enemy's grounds, striking for the very homes you left, and the
    government of your fathers. But the question was decided for
    country; and you went out from your homes to camp. Hard were
    your pillows, and the long and weary days went slowly on.
    Friends gathered to see you in your tents, and to pay you a
    tender tribute ere you went out to battle. They chatted and
    counselled with heavy hearts, but asked holy benedictions for
    your safety and through you for the country. Who of you can
    forget the stirring emotions of those meetings and partings. For
    a few days you drilled and disciplined for the coming strife.
    The order came. You struck your tents--passed down the very
    streets on which we stand, with colors flying and music
    measuring out the solemn step of war. No braver regiment ever
    went out from our city or State. Made up mostly of Hartford men,
    born and cradled under the very branches of the Charter Oak, we
    knew well what would be your history, and we watched with pride
    your firm and steady ranks, as you filed along these streets. As
    we followed with anxious eye the steamer winding down the
    Connecticut, bearing its precious freight, with the Stars and
    Stripes streaming in the wind, we felt a security and an
    indebtedness, which we now have all come to acknowledge. You
    went to New York, passed the capital of your country, and in a
    few days stood on the bloody fields of Antietam. There, in the
    old Ninth corps, under the faithful Burnside, you first realized
    war, and stood on the fated field of death. That was a sad day
    for the 16th Connecticut. Two hundred of your comrades, officers
    and men, had fallen, and when the shadows of evening closed on
    that historic day, your hearts, sad and broken, went up in
    thankfulness to God for your preservation. Well do I remember
    the sadness that settled over this city, as the news came across
    the wires that death had cruelly thinned and decimated your
    ranks, and that among the brave who had fallen were the noble
    Captains Manross, Drake, Brown, and Barber; but you had only
    time to bear out the noble two hundred to their sepulture, and
    to place some humble stone to mark their rest, before you were
    ordered to the fields of Fredericksburg.

    There bravely you stood through three long days of battle. From
    there you moved to Suffolk, where your ranks were again broken,
    and the brave Capt. Tennant fell--he who was beloved at home and
    dear to the Hartford City Guard, of which he was a member, and
    who followed him with reversed arms and bowed hearts, to yonder
    church yard where now he sleeps. Peaceful will be his rest, and
    sacred his memory, for he died for country and humanity. Slowly
    the days went by as you were garrisoned at Portsmouth, and long
    were your marches from Plymouth to New Berne. You will never
    forget, but will tell over to your children through all the
    coming years of your lives, how after a long siege by the rebels
    at Plymouth, nearly your entire regiment was captured, and
    taken away to rebel prisons at Macon and Andersonville; how of
    the four hundred and four unfortunate captives who entered
    Andersonville prisons, more than half were borne out lifeless
    and cold. My blood chills when I remember that more than two
    hundred of this regiment were starved and murdered in Southern
    prisons--imaging more perfectly the hell of secession and the
    barbarism of Southern institutions and chivalry, than any other
    page of the war. But you have been preserved to come back to
    your homes, and to watch again the flag of your country waving
    over your native city. You well remember how beautiful it looked
    to you when first you saw its colors after the hour of your
    deliverance came, and you passed the rebel lines. That flag
    to-day symbolizes the greatest freedom and the most perfect
    nationality. "'Tis the banner of all the West," that of a nation
    now pronounced--

          "The heir of all the ages in the foremost files of time."

    But your work is done and your history is sealed. In the name of
    those for whom you fought and who have gathered here to do you
    honor it is my privilege to say a thousand times welcome home.
    Your thinned ranks, your torn colors, give convincing proof of
    your deeds of bravery The state will hang your tattered flag in
    yonder capitol, and claim with pride your history, and through
    all the future of the country, her sons will love, respect, and
    honor you as the brave soldiers who fought in the last great
    battle for freedom.

    But our city has a special interest in your history. You have
    been led by the honored Col. Beach; and the name of your
    Lieutenant-Colonel, he who would not leave his regiment for the
    colonelcy of another, he who has been with you in the camp, in
    the battle, in the prison and on the march until now, than whom
    there is none better, or braver on all the veteran roll, his
    name, John H. Burnham, has long been with us as a household
    word. Think it not strange that the Hartford City Guard extends
    a warm and earnest welcome to you, for the names of Burnham,
    Cheney, Tennant, Pasco, Burke, Lockwood, and Blakeslee, are all
    ours. As brothers we have watched your history during all these
    years of war. But while you are privileged to return all covered
    with honor and glory, and are to go to your homes, to be
    welcomed by mothers, wives, sisters, and lovers, noble patriotic
    women, in whose life there dwells the tenderest sentiment for
    you and country ever unlocked from the starry skies,--while you
    are to enjoy all this, I cannot forget the brave, devoted boys,
    comrades in all your trials until death, who will never, never
    come home again. They died, as you have fought, for country, for
    the restoration of law and order, for the complete emancipation
    of a race, for the eternal principle of liberty, and for the
    final solution of the great problem of self-government. They
    fell away from home and friends, and most of them rest in
    Southern graves, but though they fell thus, they died at their
    posts. History will keep fresh their memories, and write their
    names on more than granite shaft or marble column.--

    After an eventful life and a noble death, they rest well.

      "Sleep sweetly, tender hearts, in peace,
      Sleep, holy spirits, blessed souls,
    While the stars burn, the moons increase,
      And the great ages onward roll."

    The friends of the dead of your regiment are more than of the
    living, and my heart was sad as I saw the tears start in the
    eyes of the little child, the tender maiden and the mother with
    her little ones, as they looked in vain among your passing ranks
    for their friends. But they will never again watch their
    returning footsteps, or hear the sweet sound of their voices. No
    words of mine can heal their wounded hearts. I can only say they
    have the highest claim upon the nations' gratitude. The noble
    deeds of their martyred dead will ever live in the archives of
    the State, and their memories will be embalmed forever in the
    feelings of the American people.

    Thrice welcome then, tried and faithful veterans of the
    republic. Go bear your honors and your trophies to your homes,
    and around your own hearths be as great and good as you have
    been in war.

Breakfast was provided for the regiment at the Trumbull House and
United States Hotel, after which a short street parade was had, the
City Guard and Colt's band furnishing escort. Arms were then stacked
in the armory of the Guard, and the regiment was dismissed, the men
being allowed to go to their homes as most of them live in this
vicinity, and fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, and wives were
waiting to extend _their_ welcome. Before leaving the armory Colonel
Burnham read the following farewell order:


                         HEADQUARTERS 16TH CONN. VOLS., INFANTRY,
                                Hartford, Conn., 29th June, 1865.

    General Orders No. 10.

    _Soldiers of the Sixteenth Connecticut_--Glad as I am that the
    war is over and we are all to rejoin our families and friends
    again, I cannot repress a feeling of sadness at the thought of
    severing, perhaps forever, the ties that have bound us together
    for the last three years. Although a less amount of glory in the
    field has fallen to our lot than to some others, no regiment
    from the State has been subjected to so much suffering. Whatever
    you have been ordered to do, you have done promptly, cheerfully,
    and well; and whenever in future I am asked of what in all my
    life I am proudest, I shall always answer "that I belonged to
    the 16th Connecticut, in the Union army." Placed in charge of
    the regiment under circumstances that might have made my task a
    difficult one, it will always be a source of the highest
    gratification to me to remember that I received the generous
    support of all, and to the effective co-operation of every
    officer and the high character of the men, belongs entirely the
    credit of the fine soldierly appearance and superior military
    condition in every respect you so soon acquired, and have not
    failed to maintain to this day. For those gallant comrades who
    have laid down their lives on the battle-field and in the
    hospital, and for those heroic men who have endured so much more
    than death in Southern prisons, let us shed a silent tear and
    ever cherish their memories tenderly in our hearts.

    You are about to go to your homes to enjoy in peace the
    blessings of the great and good government you have done your
    share to defend and preserve to our magnificent country, and I
    desire that each one of you should take with him my sincere
    thanks, for the cordial and hearty support you have given me,
    and the cheerful manner in which you have performed every duty
    required of you while I have the honor to be your commander.
    Wishing you every success that you can desire, and trusting you
    may find in your restored firesides all the comfort and
    happiness you have so nobly earned, I bid you an affectionate
    farewell.

                                          JOHN H. BURNHAM,
                    Lieutenant-Colonel 16th Conn. Vols. Infantry.

On July 8th, the regiment assembled in Hartford, and were paid in
full, except the officers who received their pay when returns were
made and all property properly accounted for. Thus ended the
organization known as the Sixteenth Regiment Connecticut Volunteers.
Its record is a credit to the State and an honor to every man who has
shared in its fortunes.


       *       *       *       *       *

    +----------------------------------------------------+
    | Typographical errors corrected in text:            |
    |                                                    |
    | Page 34: seige replaced with siege                 |
    | Page 41: harrassed replaced with harassed          |
    | Page 54: Wessell's replaced with Wessells'         |
    | Page 61: Wessels replaced with Wessells            |
    | Page 69: 'paced too and fro' replaced with         |
    |          'paced to and fro'                        |
    | Page 71: beseiged replaced with besieged           |
    | Page 77: atempt replaced with attempt              |
    | Page 87: occured replaced with occurred            |
    | Page 91: Lieutanant replaced with Lieutenant       |
    | Page 98: passsing replaced with passing            |
    |                                                    |
    +----------------------------------------------------+

       *       *       *       *       *






End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of History of the Sixteenth Connecticut
Volunteers, by B. F. Blakeslee

*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY--16TH CONNECTICUT VOLUNTEERS ***

***** This file should be named 31867-8.txt or 31867-8.zip *****
This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
        http://www.gutenberg.org/3/1/8/6/31867/

Produced by Jeannie Howse, Charlene Taylor, Joseph Cooper
and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
http://www.pgdp.net


Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
will be renamed.

Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
redistribution.



*** START: FULL LICENSE ***

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
http://gutenberg.net/license).


Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works

1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.  See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
States.

1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net

1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
1.E.9.

1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.

1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.

1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.net),
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
that

- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."

- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
     License.  You must require such a user to return or
     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
     Project Gutenberg-tm works.

- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
     of receipt of the work.

- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.

1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
your equipment.

1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.


Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm

Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org.


Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
http://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.

The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
page at http://pglaf.org

For additional contact information:
     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
     Chief Executive and Director
     gbnewby@pglaf.org


Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
particular state visit http://pglaf.org

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including including checks, online payments and credit card
donations.  To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate


Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.

Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.


Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.


Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:

     http://www.gutenberg.net

This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.